东南亚地区伊斯兰信仰的传播及华人在其中发挥的作用

东南亚地区是世界上民族与宗教最为多样化的地区之一,在所有宗教之中,信奉伊斯兰教的人数是最多的,本文讨论了穆斯林在东南亚的早期活动,结合伊斯兰教在印尼、马来西亚等地的传播进行研究,伊斯兰教在东南亚的传播具有和平、包容和本地化的特点.而华人在伊斯兰教的传播过程中起到了非常重要的作用,郑和7次下西洋是东南亚伊斯兰教传播中的重要历史事件.     

试论伊斯兰教在东南亚岛屿地区的传播

在13-16世纪时,伊斯兰教在东南亚岛屿地区得以成功传播,有着极为深刻的政治、经济、社会与宗教原因,同时也是通过一定的传播方式完成的。经过16世纪伊斯兰教势力的继续扩张和发展,伊斯兰教已遍及东南亚的主要岛屿,并不断由沿海向内陆渗透,从而奠定了今日伊斯兰教在东南亚的基本格局。     

移植与适应：13—18世纪东南亚伊斯兰社会的特征

13-18世纪是伊斯兰教在东南亚传播和发展时期,作为一种外来宗教和文化,伊斯兰教要适应东南亚本土文化,表现在王权观念的移入、苏菲派传教方式与本土信仰的融合、伊斯兰教法与本地习惯法的适应,以及性别关系的变化,形成早期东南亚伊斯兰教“不正统”的特点。     

近代以来中东地区伊斯兰思潮在东南亚的传播方式和影响（19世纪初-20世纪上半叶）

中东地区是伊斯兰世界的中心，东南亚地处伊斯兰世界的边缘。中东地区作为伊斯兰教的中心，一直盛产各种伊斯兰思潮：瓦哈比运动、伊斯兰现代主义、伊斯兰民族主义等，并通过朝觐和留学等方式向东南亚伊斯兰社会传播，激发了东南亚的帕特里运动、伊斯兰现代主义和民族主义运动的兴起和发展。     

Australia's security and the threat of Islamic extremism in southeast Asia

Australian foreign and security policy confronts a series of difficult challenges in coping with the emergence of an Islamic extremist threat in Southeast Asia. Australian policy makers are being drawn into unfamiliar linkages with moderate Islam, and into closer cooperation with Indonesia, the most populous Islamic nation in the world, in an attempt to offset Islamic extremists. Further, they must achieve those objectives at a time when important interests are at stake beyond Southeast Asia, when bipartisan agreement about the direction of foreign policy is waning, and when divisions over the appropriate trajectory of Australian security policy are intense. A delicacy almost unprecedented in Australian foreign policy will be required.     

多民族共存与民族歧视——当代东南亚族际关系的两个侧面

互为依存的经济生活使各民族共生共荣,历史文化的差异又使民族歧视普遍存在,当代东南亚族际关系的两面性和复杂性与政治、经济发展的不平衡相互交织,共同作用于战后本地区的历史进程,并使东南亚成为当今世界族际关系变幻莫测的地区之一.     

非洲伊斯兰教的现状与发展趋势

非洲伊斯兰教系伊斯兰教传入非洲后同当地传统文化长期碰撞与融合的产物,带有鲜明的非洲特色。当前,非洲伊斯兰教不仅拥有大量信徒,而且发展势头十分强劲。大多数非洲穆斯林信奉传统、温和且具有宽容精神的伊斯兰教;也有一部分穆斯林主张建立以伊斯兰教法为基础的社会;还有一小部分穆斯林信仰伊斯兰极端主义,他们的行为已成为一些非洲国家和地区不安定的因素之一。从国际层面看,非洲伊斯兰教已日益成为整个伊斯兰世界的重要组成部分。随着非洲社会经济的发展变迁和经济全球化趋势的不断增强,非洲伊斯兰教和穆斯林正在发生深刻变化。     

A new model of Asian regionalism: does the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation have more potential than ASEAN?

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is an established player in Southeast Asia, while the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is an emergent force in Central Asia. This article comparatively assesses ASEAN and SCO to investigate the nature of each organization's model of cooperation and their utility in the contemporary political landscape in Asia. It argues that SCO differs from ASEAN on a few significant points: its composition and level of institutionalization. At the same time, both organizations have similar agendas and models of cooperation, emphasizing a common spirit, flexibility and a focus on regime security. The paper concludes that ASEAN's model of cooperation continues to be relevant to the contemporary Asian landscape, and its brand of loosely codified, informal and norm driven multilateralism continues to be durable and robust.     

Another nation-building bloc? Integrating nationalist ideology into the EU and ASEAN

The article examines the compatibility of nationalist ideology and regional integration within the European Union (EU) and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). In exploring nationalist ideology as a third alternative to functional and identity-based approaches to regional integration, it contributes to debates on the necessity and desirability of a common supranational identity. Despite a hitherto largely transaction-based approach to integration, political elites in South-East Asia have expressed support for ‘ASEAN awareness’ or ‘cognitive regionalism’ in the hope of increasing the organisation’s social cohesion and solidarity. These constructs seek to supplement political and economic co-operation with a sense of imagined (regional) community, despite the lack of strong supranational institutions within ASEAN. Their aim is thus to replicate a quasi-national construct at the regional level, something which has met with relatively little resonance within EU member states. The similarities between government attempts to foster a sense of regional belonging and nation-building principles, let alone their interplay, have yet to be fully explored in the South-East Asian context. The article tackles the question of whether EU and ASEAN member states can learn from each other in developing approaches to regionalisation.     

How do Asians evaluate Europe’s strategic involvement in East Asia?

Europe is neither in the centre of Southeast Asia’s nor of Northeast Asia’s strategic interest. For both, Asians and Europeans it has been equally difficult to articulate their visions of each other’s role in security matters. However, Asia recognizes positively the EU’s civilian dominated approach in peacekeeping missions, e.g. in East Timor or in Aceh. Europe’s contribution to the Asia Regional Forum has been rather modest. But due to the increasing importance of comprehensive security, Europe’s experiences as a soft power could well change this position, provided both sides pay more attention to the constraints of the two regions. China as the major power in the region is somehow caught between the devil and the deep blue sea: on one side, it neither wants nor expects Europe to play a strategic role in East Asia. On the other, it would like to see Europe to become a power of its own in a China-US-EU triangle. This paper is based on a speech given by the author in Paris/France on 8th December 2006 at a conference on ‘French and European Strategic Interests in East Asia’ organised by the ‘Asia Centre’ with the support of the Secrétariat général de la défense nationale (SGDN). Mr. Norbert von Hofmann is an independent consultant on Southeast Asian-European co-operation in Germany. Formerly he was the Head of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s Office for Regional Cooperation in Southeast Asia in Singapore.     

U.S. Policy Towards Southeast Asia

Greater East Asia is expected to be the next theatre for world politics. 1 East Asian cooperation is rapidly developing through the channels of ASEAN Plus Three （APT） and East Asia Summit （EAS）, both driven by ASEAN. Southeast Asia is a region of diverse states and cultures that brings together all the major powers of the Asian-Pacific in a myriad of strategic interests. It is thus an open arena with the potential for a variety of strategic game-playing, options, and uncertain outcomes.2 In recent years, China＇s developing relationship with Southeast Asia has undergone a significant shift as the U.S.＇ distraction elsewhere and neglect of the region have created opportunities for an increased Chinese diplomatic and economic role in Southeast Asia.3 U.S. analysts are concerned about what may lie behind this shift in China-ASEAN relations, how it may affect American interests in the region and how best to react to the changes. Some have expressed concerns that to avoid becoming distanced from the region the U.S. should pay more attention to Southeast Asia, rather than just watching from a distance. This paper attempts to analyze the possible changes of U.S. policy towards Southeast Asia in the current context of East Asian Cooperation and its implications for China.     

Tracking the War of Ideas: A Poll of Ottawa Muslims

A 2008 poll of 430 Ottawa Muslims found predominantly negative views of the U.S. war on terrorism, including the war in Iraq and the war in Afghanistan. This poll also assessed approval of Western powers (U.S., Canada, Israel, United Nations) and challengers of Western power (Al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hizballah, government of Iran). Surprisingly, attitudes of Ottawa Muslims toward militant Muslim groups were unrelated to their attitudes toward Western governments. Discussion suggests that this pattern, if confirmed in other Muslim polls, would mean that the war of ideas against radical Islam must address not one target but two: favorable opinions of militants and unfavorable opinions of the U.S. Muslims who come to like the West more may not like Muslim militants any less.     

Southeast Asia and the global ‘war on terror’ discourse

This study explores global and regional war on terror discourses. It focuses upon language construction ‘framing’ the character of, and global and regional responses to, terrorism. It is concerned with social power and critiques the war on terror discourse globally and in Southeast Asia. Central to this are constructions of Islam. The analysis assesses the complexities behind often essentialized depictions of Islam. The paper argues that a deeper understanding of the complexities of the discursive dimension of the war on terror can help provide an additional understanding of the ideational background for operational counterterrorism policies and practices.     

美国对东南亚外交的未来趋势

布什上任后,美国对东南亚地区越来越关注,美国与东南亚地区各国在贸易、军事合作以及外交关系等方面的互动越来越频繁和深入.很多学者认为这是美国借着打击恐怖主义的契机,开始"重返东南亚"①的表现.从近几年美国在东南亚的一系活动来看,反恐并不是美国的唯一目的,而更多地是为了加强它对这一地区的影响和控制.纵观布什政府在东南亚的一系列外交活动,可以看到三个基本的方向:(1)继续在这一地区推行美国价值观和理念;(2)在加强和巩固与传统盟国如泰国和菲律宾的关系与合作的基础上,拓展新的双边关系;(3)积极参与和建构东南亚地区主义进程,提升美国对东南亚地区主义进程的影响.     

略述中国与东南亚文化交流史中的几个重要方面

文化交流史是中国与东南亚关系史中的重要部分。本文对中国与东南亚文化交流史中的几个重要方面进行了论述．以体现中国与东南亚文化交流的丰富性与重要性。     

Changes and continuities. Evolution of a Chinese family business (1876–2004)

Starting from the early nineteenth century, western colonial activities have opened up a large area of Southeast Asia for economic penetration. Chinese family business, with its extensive familial and cultural networks, has a niche in these frontier areas where economic and legal institutions were embryonic or ineffective. In Southeast Asia, Chinese extended families are often geographically dispersed. By spreading wealth across borders, these families have not only diversified their business risk, but also built up a mechanism to enforce business obligations cross borders. Contractual obligations in business could always be enforced by one’s familial and communal mechanisms without recourse to legal authority or institutions outside the communities. It helps to explain why the Overseas Chinese communities, over the centuries, have played an important part in the ties which China has forged with its neighbouring regions in Asia. By looking into the historical transformation of a traditional Chinese family business under five generations of patriarchal leadership, this article intends to examine the validity of the above thesis. Eu Yan Sang (EYS), a famous manufacturer and retailer of Chinese medicines over the past 120 years, is the focus of this study.     

中国出版业开拓东南亚市场现状、问题及对策

20世纪90年代以来,中国出版业在面向东南亚“走出去”、与东南亚各国出版业合作的进程中取得了令人瞩目的成效,然而双方在市场体制、版权保护、人才结构、合作贸易机制等方面的问题也日益凸显。本文试图分析目前中国出版业在东南亚市场上面临的障碍及其成因、影响;对中国出版业开拓东南亚市场的对策展开探讨。     

Does investing in identity work? An examination of the ethnocentric social capital theory from an oriental perspective

The central thrust of this paper questions the notion of ‘investing in identity’ in the current approach to social capital, and challenges the assumption that the poor can draw upon their identities as productive resources to alleviate poverty. This paper argues that the mainstream social capital model is largely based on the economic model of rationality, which assumes that individuals are rational, and consciously construct social identities with purposive reasons. This perspective, however, neglects agency, subjectivity and the power dimension in the process of identity building. This paper also questions the ethnocentric nature of social capital thinking which plays down the influences of culture and context. Drawing upon the structuration theory of Anthony Giddens, and based on my ethnographic research on Chinese migrants in Hong Kong, I challenge the ‘Hong Kong-derived Chinese identity model’ by Gregory Guldin. Using the concept of ‘acknowledgeable agents’, I argue that the construction of ethnic identity amongst migrants is far more complicated, and agents may use their hyphenated identities to seek room for manoeuvre. I also highlight the transformative, fluid and fragile nature of identity to suggest that he notion of ‘investing in identity’ is problematic because which and what identities, and where and how to invest, are not properly addressed. Taking agents’ subjectivity into account, disinvestment, rather than investment, in identity may be a more desirable livelihood strategy adopted by migrants. Finally, I draw attention to the dark sides of identity, and point out that without a clear understanding of the existing structures of interaction, investing in identity may result in poverty aggravation and further exclusion of the poor.The writer is currently an assistant lecturer at the University of Bradford, UK.     

占婆文化交流中的“二次本土化”现象探析——评《占婆与马来世界的文化交流》

占婆位于东南亚地区的中心地带,历史上受到多种文化的影响。马来世界本土化的伊斯兰教在占婆传播的过程中,形成了具有伊斯兰教特点又与伊斯兰教具有很大区别的婆尼教。通过观察伊斯兰教在占婆的传播,可以分析伊斯兰教在东南亚内部传播过程中的"二次本土化"现象。经过二次本土化的文化现象,在表现形式上与文化源头的相似性减弱了,而民族文化的成分增强了。本文还在梳理关于占婆婆尼教研究成果的基础上,从研究视角、研究方法和研究资料等方面对《占婆与马来世界的文化交流》一书进行评介。     

美国高调拉近与东盟关系及其影响

受阿富汗和伊拉克战争等问题的牵制,美国对东南亚地区事务无暇过多顾及。虽然美国通过反恐加强了与一些东盟国家的合作,但在东南亚的影响却在削弱。然而,2009年以来,奥巴马政府采取了一系列外交动作,高调重返东南亚。美国此举对今后中国与东盟国家关系会带来多大影响尚待观察。