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1.
strategic games played out between China and Japan are inextricably linked to the U.S.' Asia-Pacific strategy. From a historical perspective, changes in Japan's domestic politics today can be traced back to the 1945-1951 reforms when Japan was under the control of the U.S.. The Diaoyu Islands dispute is directly related to the U.S.-Japan peace agreement in 1951 that excluded both the Chinese mainland and Taiwan. While current changes in Sino-Japanese relations are also connected to some structural factors like changes in the balance of power between China and Japan and Japan's domestic politics edging to the right, another important external cause that should not be ignored is the U.S. effort to rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. Therefore, in order to improve Sino-Japanese relations, we should not only try to find the causes and relative countermeasures from both sides, but also we should properly understand those factors originating from the U.S., particularly the U.S.' Asia-Pacific strategy.  相似文献   

2.
In recent years, China's strategic pressure has increased as U.S. strategic anxiety has deepened and its global strategic focus has shiftedeast. With difficulties home and abroad, the U.S. has taken measures to "put Japan out", and to allow Japan to be the U.S. 's important strategic fulcrum in the Asia-Pacific region, as a means of restricting China. This is the important background for Japanese militarism.  相似文献   

3.
It is common knowledge that the focus of the China-Japan dispute over the Diaoyu Islands1 is the question of sovereignty. Some scholars from both home and abroad have defined the issue as one between China and Japan. However, the basis for the Japanese government's territory claim2 over the Diaoyu Islands lies in U.S.-Japan backroom deals, and this has meant that the U.S. is also closely connected to the China-Japan dispute over the sovereignty of the Islands. When the U.S. transferred the Diaoyu Islands to Japan, it stated its neutral position over the issue. To date, all the previous U.S. administrations have basically followed this policy, and they often reiterated this policy at moments of intensification in the Diaoyu Islands issue. This means that that even though there is the close alliance between the U.S. and Japan, the U.S. has maintained its neutral position with regard to the sovereignty of the Diaoyu Islands, and never taken the view that the sovereignty of the Diaoyu Islands belongs to Japan. The repeatedly reiterated U.S. position of neutrality could be taken as holding no position on the issue of sovereignty, but of having a clear-cut position alongside Japan on the issue of security. Scholars have produced numerous works on the issue of the U.S. position on the China-Japan dispute over the Diaoyu Islands. By reviewing the historical evolvement of the U.S. position in relation to the Diaoyu Islands, this article will systematically investigate the origins of the U.S. neutrality policy, using documentary materials from China, Japan and the U.S..  相似文献   

4.
since China first surpassed Japan in 2010 to become the world's second largest economy, the continuing friction and tensions between China and Japan has intensified around issues such as the Diaoyu Islands and the East China Sea air defense identification zone. At the end of 2013, with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, the Sino-Japanese relationship was brought to the lowest point in nearly 30 years. What are the deep-seated reasons for this? What are Japan's strategic intentions? These questions are worthy of further exploration.  相似文献   

5.
Following the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party's victory in the December 2012 election, some Japanese analysts pointed out that the new Abe/Aso Govemment would introduce rightist policies, and that as such it would be more difficult for China and Japan to improve their bilateral relations. As expected, in the past six months since its coming to power, the Abe cabinet has vigorously promoted so-called "Abe economics" and implemented a quantitative easing monetary policy that has caused a drastic depreciation of the Japanese Yen. In order to revise the "Constitution of Japan", in July 2013 it has been striving to win the election of the Senate. Externally, the new cabinet members have frequently visited foreign countries, implementing a diplomatic strategy of containing and countering China. One of its aims is to completely rid itself of the shackles of World War II and to try to reconstruct powerful military forces. The Diaoyu Islands issue has been used by the Abe cabinet to serve its domestic and foreign policy objectives,  相似文献   

6.
Battlefield for Strategic Rivalry
In recent years, the Asia-Pacific strategic configuration has entered a stare of in-depth readiustments. The relative decline of the United States,China's rapid rise, Russia's fast revival and Japan's quickening step toward a "normal country" have combined to turn regional multi-polarity into a reality. Not surprisingly, the world' s strategic structure has begun to focus on the region, with intensifying rivalry among major countries centered on economic competition and aggravating geopolitical game conducive to a security dilemma. As a matter of fact, U.S.-Japanese provocations have been at work in tuming regional hotspot issues into tools for such a game. As a result, escalating security threats to China in the East and South China Seas are converging into potential risks of collision and conflicts with other contenders.  相似文献   

7.
For a long period of time, Northeast Asia is one of the most sensitive hot spots in the world. At the moment, a geo-strategic pattern has formed with a quadrilateral (U.S., China, Japan and Russia) and seven parties (U.S., China, Japan, Russia, DPRK, ROK and Mongolia) in the region. Both historical experience and the relations of practical strategic interests have demonstrated that North East Asia is the key to Asia-Pacific security, while the Korean Peninsula is the crux of North--…  相似文献   

8.
Security relations are crucial in China-Japan relations.Since the "nationalization" of the Diaoyu Islands by Japan in 2012,mutual trust between China and Japan has been declining,and bilateral security relations have reached a low point.China-Japan security relations are typified by ongoing dispute over the Diaoyu Islands,lack of mutual trust exacerbated by various actions by Japan,and the delay of China-Japan security dialogues.The evolution of China-Japan security relations derived from the Diaoyu Islands dispute is clearly beyond the scope of the dispute itself,with deep-rooted internal and external factors.In the near future,China-Japan security relations will face more challenges than opportunities.China should take measures,including enhancing mutual trust in politics and security between the two countries,to impose necessary pressure on Japan to change course,to win over neighboring countries so as to avoid pretext for Japan's intervention in regional issues,and to strengthen interpersonal communication and understanding between people of the two countries in order to stabilize security relations.  相似文献   

9.
Deterrence and coercion are two kinds of strategies,the latter being more aggressive than the former.The U.S.Asia-Pacific Rebalancing strategy is an important diplomatic legacy of Obama's administration.For the issues involving the Diaoyu Islands,the South China Sea,cyber security,DPRK's nuclear program,and Iran's nuclear program,the U.S.has carded out military deterrence and non-force coercion against China.But generally,these are low-level coercive measures and distinct from the severe economic sanction and diplomatic isolation imposed by the U.S.on Russia,Syria,DPRK and Iran in recent years.Concerning issues where the U.S.and China hold distinct views,there would be less strategic leeway for the two countries.If the U.S.is to strengthen deterrence and coercion towards China,China can respond more actively and effectively,but it will be more difficult to build a new model of China-U.S.major-country relationship.  相似文献   

10.
As Abe was replaced by Fukuda, Japan's domestic and foreign policies were also amended. Abe's "proactive diplomacy" has been replaced by Fukuda's "synergy diplomacy" which emphasizes strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance and Japan's ties with Asia. Abe's diplomacy toward Asia was characterized by "value oriented diplomacy", whereas Fukuda seeks to carry out "active diplomacy toward Asia" after his cabinet was formed. The changes in foreign policy of the Abe and Fukuda cabinets show that Japan's nationalist foreign policy is evolving in twists and turns from being radical to being more rational against the backdrop of domestic and international political reality. To explore this change and its causes is conducive to the better understanding of some features of Japan's diplomacy toward Asia.  相似文献   

11.
Editor's Note: Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been "desperately struggling" with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an "encircling network" against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world's second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government's shift in attitude towards China from "hard" to a new "moderate" position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask:  相似文献   

12.
New Developments Before the 2008 financial crisis,and especially before the U.S.began its "return" to Asia,relations between China,the U.S.and China's neighbors in East Asia were not a major issue.However,since 2010,relations have been stirred up.Take the Cheonan incident,the shelling of Yeonpyeong Island,the Diaoyu Islands dispute between China and Japan,the Huangyan Island confrontation between China and the Philippines,and the South China Sea issue,for example.Sino-U.S.relations have grown more complex,and sovereignty disputes between China and some of its neighbors have intensified.At the same time,relations between the U.S.and most of China'sneighbors have improved.The U.S.' decision to "pivot" to Asia contains many objectives.  相似文献   

13.
Security issues have become the focus of U.S. scholars and politicians examining the recent changes to China's periphery strategy. This includes such issues as territorial and maritime disputes, changes to ally networks brought about by the U.S.' return to the Asia-Pacific, and certain major changes to national security policies. While these security issues are urgent, development is still key for China's neighbors. They view this issue from a broader strategic perspective and against a long-term historical perspective. This has had a direct and profound effect on the evolution of China's periphery security environment.  相似文献   

14.
Many Chinese scholars have described China as the world's second biggest power after the U.S.. This is based on two facts. First, China overtook Japan in total economic output measured by GDP in 2010 to become the world's second biggest economy. Some scholars argue that China still lags behind the U.S. in comprehensive national power and in this sense it is also ranked second) The other is that Sino-U.S. relations are frequently described as the rise and fall of big powers, especially when referring to the Asia-Pacific region. It is the latest example of how relations between a rising power and one struggling to maintain its status have been so complex in the long history of international relations. While many people talk about the possibility that China will overtake the U.S. in the future, others talk about a G2.2 If we look closely at global trends and changes to China' s international environment, if we examine what exactly we mean by power status, we will have a much deeper understanding of China' s current power status from which we can build a solid foundation for this country' s foreign strategy and diplomacy.  相似文献   

15.
The possibility that the U.S. is in decline has renewed concerns over the international strategic situation and the global order. The World Bank' s International Comparison Program (ICP) released data in April 2014 that suggested China' s economy could overtake that of the U.S. as soon as the end of this year (based on purchasing power parity or PPP which takes into account the relative costs of goods and services and inflation rates). Their figures showed that the size of China' s economy was 87% of the U.S.' in 2011-that is 15% bigger than previously estimated. China' s economy is thought to have grown roughly 24% since 2011, while the U.S. economy is expected to have grown less than 8% .2 The possibility that the U.S. economy is in decline has worried both the public and scholars, and has sparked a new round of lively debate on the future of the international strategic situation.  相似文献   

16.
<正>The West Pacific has become a new hot spot in the tense East Asian security situation.Aside from the dispute between China and Japan over the Diaoyu Islands,which is far from being resolved,the South China Sea(SCS)issue is catching a lot of attention,especially given China’s island and reef construction(IRC)activities on its Nansha Islands.On April  相似文献   

17.
The origin of the Diaoyu Islands dispute is intimately connected to Japan’s aggression against the Chinese mainland,and the absorption of the Ryukyu kingdom into Japan in 1879 was a key precursor to this.Since the Ming Emperor dispatched his envoy Yang Zai on an embassy to the  相似文献   

18.
In his article entitled “Big Trouble Brewing in the Hood” published at online Sydney Morning Herald on August 3, 2010, Professor John Mearsheimer at the University of Chicago claimed that “the balance of power in Asia is expected to change significantly in the next few decades, as China increases its military capabilities”, and “China's rise is likely to spark an intense security competition with the U.S.”. He then made a provocative speech on “The Gathering Storm: China's Challenge to U.S. Power in Asia” at the Sydney University. When interviewing with an Australian news agency,  相似文献   

19.
On September 21, 2005, the Deputy Secretary of the United States Robert B. Zoellick in his speech at the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations pointed out that, the United States agrees that China is taking a peacefully developing path and it's a successful way of opening and joining the economic globalization that "'no other newly emerged power has ever taken." Zoellick emphasized that the United States should "encourage China to be a responsible stakeholder in the international system. " If both the United States and China take the strategic interest into consideration, Zoellick's speech will definitely have positive impact on the Sino- U.S. relations 'future.  相似文献   

20.
In 2005, then Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine--where Japanese war criminals are honored--threw the Sino-Japan relationship into unprecedented crises. Since then, ties have been troubled and it can be said that relations with Japan are China's top foreign affairs issue, particularly after two fierce confrontations over the Diaoyu Islands in September 2010 and September 2012. Most recently, relations have been hurt by the current Japanese Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe's flagrant visit to the Yasukuni Shrine. The situation looks bleak with Abe's stubborn efforts to deny history, radically adjust the nation's constitution and military confrontations with China. The Japanese right wing is gaining power and Japanese public opinion is shifting ever more to the right.  相似文献   

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