The ＂War of Nerves＂ between China and Japan will Be Another Protracted War

Over the past two years since his remm to power, Abe has been implementing a hard-line foreign strategy, and openly ＂challenging＂ and ＂desperately struggling with＂ China. Specifically, the Abe government has been forcefully pursuing a strategy of ＂active pacifism＂, such as ＂revising the constitution＂, lifting the ban on collective defense and modifying the ＂three principles＂ on arms export, implementing a so-called ＂overlooking the globe＂ diplomacy that takes a cold line on neighboring countries such as China and South Korea, and seeking to make joint efforts with Australia, India, the Philippines, Vietnam and USA in order to set up a sea encirclement against China. As Prime Minister, Abe not only paid an open visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, but also repeatedly denied the history of Japanese invasion in China, as well as its aggressive consequences and associated guilt.     

Japan＇ s National Strategy and China＇ s Strategy towards Japan

former Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone once said that ＂Japan was a country without strategies.＂ This is not entirely true.Japan has had many definite and stubborn national strategies in the various periods of its history. For instance, Japan launched the war of aggression against foreign countries, occupied China, and attacked America. Japan also has a clear present national strategy to revive Japan under the leadership of Shinzo Abe.     

＂New Thinking＂ in Japan＇s Diplomacy--On the New Fukuda Doctrine

In September 2008, Yasuo Fukuda resigned after serving for a year as prime minister, and then Taro Aso formed a new cabinet. Due to the boycott of the opposition parties in the Diet, which wielded the majority, the Fukuda cabinet had achieved little in terms of internal affair. In foreign affairs, however, it left a deep impression by improving relations with China and advancing the New Fukuda Doctrine. As for the Aso cabinet, people were once worried that troubles might erupt in China-Japan relations given Aso＇s past stand. But since taking office as prime minister, Aso has kept a positive attitude toward promoting China-Japan relations and Asian diplomacy. Then what are the new considerations of Japan in its Asian diplomacy and Japan-China relations？ What position do China-Japan relations occupy in Japan＇s Asian diplomacy？ What are the tendencies of Japan＇s Asian diplomacy and its China policy？ All these issues warrant in-depth probing.     

Foreign Policy Readjustments by the Abe Government And Their Limitations

The Shinzo Abe cabinet took on some new thinking in its foreign policy when it started to function: it made some readjustments to the foreign policy of his predecessor Junichiro Koisumi. Abe tends to be more moderate and pragmatic in concept and action in diplomacy. He has made a good beginning with some initial achievements. As Abe and Koizumi are from the same Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) that is getting more and more     

A Comparative Analysis of Abe＇s and Fukuda＇s Asia Diplomacy

As Abe was replaced by Fukuda, Japan＇s domestic and foreign policies were also amended. Abe＇s ＂proactive diplomacy＂ has been replaced by Fukuda＇s ＂synergy diplomacy＂ which emphasizes strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance and Japan＇s ties with Asia. Abe＇s diplomacy toward Asia was characterized by ＂value oriented diplomacy＂, whereas Fukuda seeks to carry out ＂active diplomacy toward Asia＂ after his cabinet was formed. The changes in foreign policy of the Abe and Fukuda cabinets show that Japan＇s nationalist foreign policy is evolving in twists and turns from being radical to being more rational against the backdrop of domestic and international political reality. To explore this change and its causes is conducive to the better understanding of some features of Japan＇s diplomacy toward Asia.     

Shelving the Diaoyu Islands Dispute： A Tacit Consensus and the Abe Cabinet＇s Policy Change

Despite the repeated urging of senior American officials, the Abe government unleashed global concern and tension when it disavowed the ＂shelving＂ policy consensus that had formerly existed on the Diaoyu Islands dispute. ＂There has never been consensus achieved on shelving disputes＂, said Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Kan Yi-wei. ＂As far as our country＇s diplomatic records show, there is no such fact＂, said Japan Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida. These comments demonstrate the unprecedentedly hawkish diplomatic stance of Japan. Was there ever a consensus on shelving territorial disputes？ If so, how did each LDP government respond and why would Abe＇s cabinet try everything possible to change this policy？     

U.S.-China-Japan Relations and China＇ s Strategic Choices

japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe＇s visit to the Yasukuni Shrine has escalated tensions between China and Japan that were triggered by the Diaoyu Islands dispute. Changes in the balance of power between China and Japan have caused concerns and strategic restlessness in Japan. Because of public opinion and his party＇s control of the House of Representatives and Senate, Abe is now eager to further his aims both domestically and overseas. That is why he said： ＂Now is the time for Japan to take the big step in building a new state.＂ The U.S. supports a stronger Japan because it is looking to maintain the strategic balance in the Asia-Pacific region. Its Asia-Pacific Rebalancing strategy is bound to inflame Japan＇s ambitions. In fact, Japan has been actively pursuing stronger ties with the U.S. and became more aggressive over the Diaoyu Islands issue.     

Why Is the Abe Government so Anxious to Improve Relations with China？-Why Is Shinzo Abe so Eager to Improve Relations with China？

Editor＇s Note： Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been ＂desperately struggling＂ with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an ＂encircling network＂ against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world＇s second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government＇s shift in attitude towards China from ＂hard＂ to a new ＂moderate＂ position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask：     

安倍外交调整动向及未来中日关系（英文）

Japan’s recent warming relations with China is a demonstration of,and continuation of,the proactive foreign policy adjustments by the Abe government.It reflects Abe’s consistent pursuit of Japan’s major-power status and pragmatic diplomacy.Under new historical circumstances,it is in both sides’common interests to foster a stable and sound bilateral relationship.     

＂Deindustrialization＂ and Sino-Brazilian Ties

After the global financial crisis broke out in 2008, major industrial economies became concerned about delndustrlahzation . The important roles that the industrial sector plays in creating jobs and ensuring intemational competitiveness began to be recognized again. The U.S. launched its policy of ＂re-industrialization＂ and Brazil published a plan to develop its industrial sector between 2011 and 2014. China＇s industrial sector has rapidly developed. ＂Deindustrialization＂ sparked widespread concern because it is connected with the global distribution of technological capability and the future global economic order. It is noteworthy that the U.S., Brazil and some other major economies partly blamed China for the problems that ＂deindustrialization＂ has caused and this has had an increasing effect on China＇ s relations with these countries. It reflects China＇ s problem as a new manufacturing power. In this article, the author analyzes those political and economic factors associated with ＂deindustrialization＂ and makes some suggestions for the Sino-Brazilian strategic partnership. In this way, the author explores some ideas on establishing a new type of big power relations.     

“朝贡”与“条约”之间

本文根据暹罗方面的史料,围绕两国间有关"朝贡"与"条约"的交涉,重新探讨19世纪中期至20世纪初期中国与暹罗的关系。     

A "Superpower" instead of "Unipolarity"

The power position and influence of a country depend on its comprehensive national power based on economics. While addressing to the press in Kansas on July 6, 1971, President Nixon noted: "Comparing to our overwhelming position at the end of World War II, the United States is now facing immense challenges that we have never expected before. " He added, "In terms of economics, the United States is no longer a dominant power or an overwhelming global power. At present, there exist not only two superpowers. In consideration of eco-     

俄罗斯文化中的“和”、“同”、“一”思想

东西方文化存在“异”的一面,也存在“同”的一面,即“和”、“同”、“一”的思想。很多俄语词的词义本身就表现出“和”、“同”、“一”的思想,汉语也是这样。从中可以看出俄罗斯民族和中华民族追求的价值取向都离不开“和”、“同”、“一”的思想。     

“发现汉语”及其“天下精神”

19世纪末期,以西方国家为中心和参照的现代化进程的铺展和中国国家制度的疾速衰竭,使汉语在世界语言的中心地位也发生了颠覆式的位移,逐渐滑落到边缘地位,"汉字文化圈"也呈现出破裂的态势。21世纪,中国在政治、经济、文化各方面的现代化实践及其重大转型,为汉语的复兴和精神重建提供了一种可能性。在这种全新的时代语境和历史背景下,将重新"发现汉语"及其"天下精神"作为一种新的文化命题,这意味着以西方文化为轴心的单向度的世界文化秩序,面临着巨大的危机。以汉语复兴为切入点,中国文化将成为解构文化帝国主义的重要力量,并提供了一种可能性。同时,在重新"发现汉语"的过程中,我们应该在吸收其他语言文化资源的同时,坚持汉语及其文化形态的输出立场,摒弃中西文化之间的二元对立思维模态,建构一种语言的"天下精神",从而使汉语在文化全球化中发出中国的声音。     

试论生态旅游“大众化”与大众旅游“生态化”

自20世纪90年代以来，生态旅游受到世界各国的青睐，已俨然成为发展旅游业的制胜法宝。但现实中，生态旅游发展遭遇的诸多问题使人们开始醒悟：生态旅游本身也有不可持续性的成分，通过生态旅游“大众化”维持旅游业可持续发展似乎越发偏离发展生态旅游的初衷；同时，大众旅游长期以来蒙受“不可持续”不白之冤。人们需要重新认识大众旅游——其可持续性成分与生俱来。     

“1666”

对女人服饰最恶毒的评价莫过于"老羊装嫩",而这样的规则对男人却一点儿都不适用.这句话的意思是说女人已经过了最佳年龄段却还穿着为妙龄少女设计的服饰在四处招摇,(而且我们大胆假设,这些女人们一边走还一边发出咩咩的叫声),成了一道让人难堪的景观.     

"New Wars" and Rumors of "New Wars"

Recently, there has been a growing tendency to suggest "new" classes of wars that are presumably different from all wars we have known and studied. In this article, we discuss the extent to which the landscape of armed conflict has changed so dramatically that it has necessitated a revision of the prevalent typology of war, a reconsideration of the correlates of war, and a reconceptualization of the theoretical assumptions regarding the etiology of war. While it is clear that patterns of warfare shift across time and space, it is not clear that war itself has changed "fundamentally" and has become inexplicable in light of theoretical arguments in world politics as many "new war" theorists suggest. Our analysis demonstrates that many of the "new wars" are simply amalgamations of various interstate, extrastate, and intrastate wars-i.e., the "old wars"-that have been lumped into a single category. The result is a hodgepodge of armed conflicts whose different correlates derive from their diverse morphologies rather than their novelty as wars unlike any we have experienced previously.     

"失败国家论"和"新帝国主义论"--新世纪的霸权理论

"失败国家论"认为"失败国家"没有在国际社会生存的权利,"新帝国主义论"主张对"失败国家"发动先发制人的军事打击."两论"是新世纪特别是9·11事件之后美英等国提出的新干预理论,"两论"的实质是要美国借当前国际反恐之机依靠武力建立新世纪霸权.在国际社会求和平、求发展的时代,"两论"势必遭到国际社会的强烈谴责和反对,"两论"也不会有好的前景.     

"大中东计划"背后的"石油美元"

自20世纪70年代初起,美国护持霸权的经济机制是"石油美元".然而冷战结束后,欧盟一体化进程加快,欧洲统一货币欧元于1999年诞生,并在欧盟多数国家启动,从而对美元的地位构成挑战.又由于欧盟与石油富集的中东国家有密切的经济、政治关系,中东反美国家,如伊拉克在欧元启动后不久就要求其石油买家以欧元作为偿付货币.因此,"石油美元"面临现实威胁.为消除这一威胁,美国拟采取军事手段,而九一一事件为美国采取军事行动提供了绝好的机会,反恐和推进民主是美国采取军事行动的借口,于是"大中东计划"得以推出.它在本质上是美国全面控制中东地区、以保护"石油美元"、维护霸权的计划.     

母牛"花子"

一下乡,我就相中了喂牛这活儿. 虽说牛圈味儿不好,又是瞎虻、蚊子最多的地方,可是自己一个屋,安静,怎么看书也没人管.我就当了牛圈的"官"管着牛.一年后,从四队调过来一头红白花的母牛,这是人家甩出来的扔货,脾气贼大,不听使,还净惹事儿.我看它的毛色,叫它"花子".