论中国软实力资源的整合与开发

近几年，软实力理念已经深入中国战略决策和实际工作当中。党的十六届六中全会通过《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》，将“和谐”作为中国人民共存发展的纽带，成为中国社会凝聚力的代名词，这种凝聚力正是一国软实力的集中体现。党的十七大报告中，新提法孕育着对中国软实力的关注，包括国内体制机制的完善与创新意识、文化建设与发展的能力以及外交政策和政府形象的魅力等，更加丰富了中国软实力的内涵。     

软实力理论反思与中国的 “文化安全观”

约瑟夫?奈的软实力理论在全球得到广泛回应，不乏对其可测量性、可操作性、生效条件、适用范围的质疑，并存在误读和滥用。软实力理论对国家实力中文化等因素的强调，对中国等文化资源深厚的国家具有借鉴意义。但是需认识到，奈的软实力理论着眼于美国在战略收缩背景下如何维系全球领导权，中国则面临不同的语境与诉求，需接入符合自身历史传统、社会现实和未来发展的本土思考框架，规避可能面对的“话语陷阱”，形成独立可行的理论话语和实践路径，尤其是要契合中国文化建设的实际目标。中国学界广泛展开了有关“文化软实力”的理论对话与建设，与文化领域的各种实践同步展示了中国对软实力理论的本土诠释与超越，也推动了文化安全议题成为国家文化建设和安全体系的重要关注。基于中国社会的政治制度、文化资源与未来发展目标，基于一种面向未来的“务实、自信、开放、多元”的“文化安全观”，推进以文化传统、当代社会核心价值观和意识形态安全为内核的中国文化软实力建设，是应对外来文化影响、保持文化独立性的客观要求，也是为未来发展营造良好国际环境的基本举措。     

印度外交新态势：文化软实力的推进

约瑟夫·奈提出的“软实力”理论在世界政坛日益受到广泛的关注。印度将提升软实力作为新世纪外交的重要任务之一。印度文化软实力有着追求精神胜于物质、强调人与自然的和谐统一等传统价值理念和以民主、多元化、包容性为特征的政治价值观;流行文化亦内涵丰富并深具魅力。近年来,印度在南盟、周边、非洲拉美、欧美等不同层面不同领域因地制宜积极推进文化软实力。通过独具特色的文化软实力外交,印度有效地提升了国家形象,为自身的崛起营造了良好的发展环境。     

中国话语权意涵：一种 主观认识论途径

近年来在中国国际关系的文献中，关于“话语权”问题的讨论越来越多。透过两个时期的文献研究（2004-2005年的话语权初始期与2007-2008年的话语权兴盛期）可以归纳出四种由于中国自身需求所产生的话语权认知：马克思主义意识形态、自主独立、国际地位与影响力、国家形象。四种认知反映了中国自身对于其改革开放之后融入国际社会、崛起于国际体系之中的一种主观认识论途径。相对而言，西方世界也有相对应的四种中国认识论途径：民主和平论、现实主义、社会建构论、软实力主张，四者建构出一种西方了解世界他者的“客观”认识论途径。中西方两种不同的认识论思维，除了反映出文化与历史经验的歧异之外，更多表现于认识中国、理解中国崛起的知识论途径差异，而这种差异限制了不同行为者在外交实践上的不同思考方向、决策途径，而容易导致擦枪走火之冲突。中国要克服因此差异而可能引起的冲突或伤害，不是选择完全的内化“拿来主义”来缩短差距，或是一味地利用所谓的“软实力”来试图改变他者的误解，而是应该进行话语联盟与理论重构，迫使以美国为首的“普世主义”观点承认相对的绝对性与历史文化的差异性。     

软实力的内涵与外延

实力历来是政治分析的核心。国际政治的新现实是:实力的性质与资源发生了很大变化,实力赖以产生的资源已经越来越复杂,非物质性实力在国际关系中的作用凸显,软实力成为与国际政治社会学及世界政治文化理论有着密切联系的重要理论维度而受到高度关注。相对硬实力而言,软实力有其独具的特点。它能够演化为重要的资源力量,对国际社会的外生变量发生作用,亦会对国家利益的内生变量产生影响。中国是个拥有深厚软实力潜力的大国,亟需在政治体制建设、文化生态环境、外交哲学与战略、“事在人为”诸方面建构和强化自身的软实力。     

从美国“软实力”到中国“柔实力”——约瑟夫·奈软实力理论评析

由约瑟夫·奈提出的"软实力"概念,已经成为国际社会一个通行的概念。软实力所提出的发挥文化资源吸引力来达到国家目标的思想,被人们普遍接受。但软实力概念在利诱与吸引如何区分,硬软实力资源如何区分,物质性的流行文化如何产生软实力以及软实力是否存在道德性、规范性等问题上,还存在许多内在矛盾和局限。中国源远流长的历史文化中蕴含了丰富的思想资源,其中的"柔实力"概念具有重大的理论与现实意义。     

试析新加坡的文化软实力

新加坡在发展的过程中积累了自身的文化软实力。其文化软实力可从政治制度和政治文化、社会制度和社会模式、意识形态和价值观念、文化多元与整合、文化艺术、教育科技等6个方面来进行分析,可概括为：高效清廉的政治、新加坡特色的民主社会主义、基于儒家伦理的共同价值观、和谐的多元文化、优雅的文化艺术、腾飞的教育科技。     

简论WTO 的法律文化内涵 ———法治基础上的自由、民主和平等

WTO 的法律文化是市场经济的法律文化, 即权利文化, 它集中体现了“法治精神” 、 “自由精神” 、“民主精神”和“平等精神” , 它是人类的共同财富。中国传统法律文化与WTO 法律文 化存在深刻的矛盾。中国加入WTO 后, 只有吸收、借鉴和移植WTO 法律文化才能顺应经济全球 化的历史潮流, 实现自身的法制现代化。     

人权发展与中国国家软实力建设

软实力是国家形象塑造与竞争的基础，国家形象与软实力之间是一种相互影响、相互 作用的互构关系。人权是国家权力的源泉，人权为具体的国家制度创新奠定了价值基础并指出了发 展方向，是国家软实力的内核。人权发展在经济发展、文化吸引力、国家形象塑造、国际议程设置、媒 介传播效应、行为合法性等方面推动软实力提升。对中国来说，在人权软实力建设方面要想“有所作 为”，走向世界，必须凸显“以人为本”的核心价值观，加强与国际社会包括人权交流在内的各个层面 的合作     

中国软实力的培育：当前海外华文教育发展状况——“第五届国际华文教育研讨会”综述

美国哈佛大学教授约瑟夫·奈提出,一个国家的实力既体现在军事、经济等方面的“硬实力”,又包括“软实力”──一种能影响他人喜好的能力,这种能力源自该国的文化、政治价值观和外交政策[。1]5-11华文教育即是中国提升软实力的重要途径之一,它对中国软实力的培育和运用具有重要意义。有国外媒体曾就此评论说,“中国正在用汉语文化创造一个更加温暖和更加积极的中国社会形象。”[2]“中国政府的汉语推广战略高明之处在于,学习过去其它一些国家的经验,推广教育和语言有助于加深外部世界对一个国家的了解,这是扩大一国影响力的最有效途径。战舰…     

Diplomatic Interactions and Negotiations

This article examines the role of state actors, organization agencies, and individual agents in diplomatic interactions and negotiations. States as diplomatic actors, organizations as diplomatic agencies, and individuals as diplomatic agents enter into complex and interdependent relationships. Proposing a three‐level analysis of interstate interactions and diplomatic negotiations, I argue that no diplomatic negotiation happens without interactions between parties at the state, organizational, and individual levels. The agency–structure paradigm provides a conceptual framework for understanding behavioral and structural properties of international interactions and their influence on diplomatic negotiations. Diplomatic negotiation employs specific forms of interaction, using a distinct language, protocol norms, symbols, ceremonies, and rituals. The state's “self” (as a social conception of its identity, values, and interests) affects the process of diplomatic negotiation. By managing, organizing, and improving international interactions at the actor, agency, and agent levels, negotiating parties can advance the process and effectiveness of diplomatic negotiation.     

断奶仔猪胃肠道乳酸菌及芽孢杆菌的分离鉴定

为研制优良的猪用益生菌制剂,从断奶仔猪胃肠道分离乳酸菌和芽孢杆菌,结合细菌的形态特征、生理生化指标,运用16SrRNA基因序列分析方法对其进行了鉴定。结果表明,分离株WR、KR、HR、JR分别为胃、空肠、回肠、结肠源的唾液乳杆菌(Lactobacillus salivarius);ZR株为直肠源的约氏乳杆菌(Lactobacillus johnsonii);MR株为盲肠源的粪肠球菌(Enterococcus faecalis);分离株WY、SY、KY分别为胃、十二指肠、空肠源的枯草芽孢杆菌(Bacillus subtilis);HY株为回肠源的蜡样芽孢杆菌(Bacillus cere-us)。各分离株的生长曲线有明显差异,HR、ZR和WY株的生长速度较快,分别于接种后第12、12和20小时达到生长高峰期,显示了良好的培养特性。     

Marxist Philosophy vs. International Relations Research in China

This article argues for the confirmation of Marxist philosophy as the ideology that guides international relations （IR） studies in China. Justification comes through the following points. According to Marxism, correct theoretical guidance serves as the prerequisite for correct practice. Marxist philosophy embodies, by nature, righteousness, in opposition to political hegemony. Accordingly, practice under its guidance represents fruitful revolutionary realism. Finally, advanced studies of international relations in this country cannot be separated from philosophical thinking. Using these arguments as background, this article specifically advocates materialism, patriotism, and service to the people as the corner-stone of China＇s IR theory building.     

Minority representation in a semi-democratic regime: the Georgian case

This article suggests that in most semi-democracies, the same solution might not be that favourable to minorities. Many semi-democratic countries either restrict party competition or limit parties of ethnic minorities, including: Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kirgistan, Cameron, Equatorial Guinea, Tanzania, Gabon, Kenya, Mauritania, and Congo (Brazzaville). This article highlights the impact of the electoral system and the importance of political plurality and electoral district design in such contexts. The article argues that the interests of minorities are best protected if they can elect their representatives in small, ethnically homogeneous electoral districts. Plurality or majority voting systems offer minorities the possibility to run with independent candidates. The case study in this article elections to municipal councils in Georgia in 2006 under a mixed electoral system seem to reflect the hypothesized pattern.     

Hybrid security governance in Africa: rethinking the foundations of security,justice and legitimate public authority

This article asks whether the concept of ‘hybridity’ offers a more convincing account of security governance in Africa than the standard state-focused models. It seeks to clarify the complex intersections between formal and informal, state and non-state security actors, and the varied terrains on which hybridity is constructed, instrumentalised and recalibrated over time. Rather than romanticising informal or ‘traditional’ institutions, it suggests that they too embed their own power hierarchies, become sites of contestation, and do not work equally well for everyone, least of all for the weak, vulnerable and excluded. Thus the focus is placed upon the real governance of security in hybrid systems, and the patterns of inclusion and exclusion (including gender biases) they reinforce. Finally the paper considers how policy-makers and shapers can work with the grain of hybrid security arrangements to create more legitimate, broadly-based and effective African security governance.     

胰岛素受体mRNA在新生犊牛组织中的表达

应用半定量RT-PCR方法检测了新生犊牛中枢神经系统和外周组织中胰岛素受体(in-sulin receptor,InsR)基因的表达。结果表明,InsR基因在肝、皮下脂肪、半腱肌、胰、肾皮质、脾、心、肺、下丘脑、肠系膜淋巴结、主动脉、十二指肠、结肠、垂体、大脑皮质、小脑皮质中都有表达。其中,肝、半腱肌、下丘脑、胰、主动脉、垂体中InsR基因的表达量显著多于其他组织(P<0.05)。InsR基因在各组织中的广泛分布表明胰岛素在体内具有广泛的生理功能。     

The Secret Agent,International Policing,and Anarchist Terrorism: 1900–1914

An unprecedented expansion of global anti-terrorist policing took place after 1900, although the security forces projected outside their borders by Russia, Italy, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Spain, and Argentina displayed an enormous diversity in size and effectiveness. Crucial to successful policing was how these countries improved their intelligence through recruiting and handling informers, maintained secrecy and good relations with local police, and handled the media. The British approach to anarchist control was arguably the most successful. Italian international policing was the most far-reaching, while the United States long remained the world's most under-policed large country. On examination, the view that anti-anarchist policing was a case of conservative imperial regimes versus the Western democracies loses validity. During this period, a general trend saw the transfer of anarchist surveillance from the hands of diplomats into those of interior ministry officials and the police, all in the name of greater centralization, professionalization, and efficiency.     

Affective images of the public political mind: Semantic differential reference frames for an experience of the 1988 presidential campaign

This project seeks theoretical and methodological advances in the study of political advertising effects during election campaigns. On the theoretical side, we hypothesize that racial cues embedded in standard political advertising appeals, involving taxation and government spending, boost opinion constraint by priming global political ideology. On the methodological side, we replicate a lab experiment in face-toface interviews with a probability sample of a large metropolitan area. Results suggest that subtle race cues do increase issue constraint for "racialized" issues such as welfare, affirmative action, crime policy, and the overall size of government. Constraint of opinions about issues less relevant to race, such as abortion, spending on public schools, universal health care, and raising the minimum wage, does not increase as a result of exposure to racial cues. Global ideology is powerfully primed by implicit racial cues embedded in typical political appeals. Finally, though demographic differences in the samples moderate some effects, the general pattern is highly consistent across the two research settings. Implications for strategic communication during campaigns, group centrism in American elections, and the benefits of methodological pluralism in the study of media effects are discussed.     

Cognitive Maelstroms,Nested Negotiation Networks,and Cascading Decision Effects: Modeling and Teaching Negotiation Complexity with Systemic Multiconstituency Exercises

Negotiation practitioners today struggle to manage complex political, economic, and cultural disputes that often involve an array of intertwined issues, parties, process choices, and consequences – both intended and unintended. To prepare next‐generation negotiators for these multifaceted challenges, negotiation instructors must keep pace with the rapidly evolving complexity of today's world. In this article, we introduce systemic multiconstituency exercises (SMCEs), a new educational tool for capturing this emerging reality and helping to close the experiential learning gap between the simulated and the non‐simulated environment. We discuss our pedagogical rationale for developing The Transition, a seventy‐two‐party SMCE inspired by the complex conflicts in Afghanistan and Central Asia and then describe our experiences conducting multiple iterations of this simulation at Harvard University. We argue that SMCEs, in which stakeholders are embedded in clusters of overlapping networks, differ from conventional multiparty exercises because of their immersive character, emergent properties, and dynamic architecture. This design allows for the creation of crucial negotiation complexity challenges within a simulated exercise context, most importantly what we call “cognitive maelstroms,” nested negotiation networks, and cascading decision effects. Because of these features, SMCEs are uniquely suited for training participants in the art of network thinking in complex negotiations. Properly designed and executed, systemic multiconstituency exercises are next‐generation teaching, training, and research platforms that carefully integrate negotiation, leadership, and decision‐making challenges.