冷战初期缅甸中立外交与美国对缅援助

艾森豪威尔政府对缅甸的援助活动主要围绕其对缅中立外交的认知展开。入主白宫后，艾森豪威尔对东南亚区域一度奉行整体遏制战略，漠视缅甸独特的中立外交政策和援助请求。随着1955年万隆会议召开以及中苏两国与第三世界国家经济联系的加强，美国逐渐放弃区域整体战略，不仅接受了缅甸的中立外交立场，还向其提供大规模的经济援助。在此过程中，美国不断做出“妥协”与“退让”,在援助谈判中便出现了施援国处于被动地位而受援国占据主动地位的吊诡现象。总的来看，美国寄希望于利用援助影响缅甸的内政外交，而缅甸期望通过“不附加任何政治条件”的外援促进国家经济建设。双方在援助目标上的分歧构成了美国对缅援助的结构性矛盾，也凸显了冷战时期美国对外援助面临的一个重要困境，即美国对外援助并不完全是影响受援国的有力工具，反而会成为受援国试图影响美国外交政策的重要杠杆。     

肯尼迪政府援韩政策析论

为了减轻对外援助负担,肯尼迪政府开始缩减美国的对外援助资金,推动受援国的自我发展。但由于美韩同盟关系的特殊性,美国政府内部在对韩援助政策调整过程中出现严重分歧,尤其是在对韩军事援助和经济援助的分配问题上难以达成一致。而缩减韩国军事力量及驻韩美军力量作为缩减对韩援助引发的问题,在美国政府内部的决策中也面临各种阻碍。最终,如何分配援韩资金和缩减韩国军事力量问题始终困扰着肯尼迪政府。与此同时,韩国则竭力阻止美国援韩资金的缩减并在韩国经济发展政策上和美国产生分歧,迫使美国不得不以缩减援助来规制韩国的经济行为。     

美国对印度尼西亚军政关系民主化改革的影响

美国政府行政和立法部门及非政府组织为推动印度尼西亚军政关系民主化改革都做出了努力.美国政府在双边高层交往中不断对印尼政府和军方施加外交压力,促其改革;包括国务院、国际开发署、国防部,司法部等在内的行政部门,实施了一系列项目,旨在推动印尼的军政关系制度建设,支持培育印尼民主的军政关系文化;国会以立法手段或向行政部门施压的方式约束美国对印尼的军事援助及两国军事关系,意在通过制裁和压力迫使印尼进行军政关系改革;美国的非政府组织也以各种方式参与了推动印尼军政关系改革、促进形成民主的军政关系文化的活动.这些部门和组织广泛而深刻的卷入,在很大程度上推动了印尼的军政关系民主化改革,也可以充分说明美国在对外扩展民主时投入之大、关注之广、手法之细腻.     

强化霸权之基:美国“粮食喂养未来计划”评析

针对2008年至2010年爆发的世界粮食危机,美国政府出于人道主义和本国政治、经济利益的考虑,推出了面向贫困国家的"粮食喂养未来计划",开展了向受援国增加农业贷款和粮食供应、与受援国开展农业科技合作与交流、改善受援国粮食贸易体系等一系列援助活动。尽管该计划取得了一定的成效,但美国国家利益的局限、私人企业的趋利性和转基因技术引发的争议影响了其实施效果。由于无法解决土地等资源分配不公的深层次社会问题,且美国为了维护其经济利益和霸权地位而推行贸易保护政策,该计划无法从根本上解决受援国面临的粮食危机。     

从东南亚到非洲:日本对外援助的政治经济学

2006年,日本对非洲的援助开始超过亚洲,非洲成为接受日本对外援助最多的地区。这一变化是长期以来日本对外援助理念、与受援国关系建构以及与主要援助国互动关系变化的反映。本文试图构建一种援助体系的分析框架,并确定了影响对外援助的三组关系:援助国与受援国的关系、对外援助与国内政治的联系、对外援助与国际社会的联系。日本对外援助理念和政策的变化正是这三组关系在不同阶段影响程度不同的反映。通过研究发现,日本的对外援助已经远远超出了经济利益和人道主义考虑的范围,将援助作为外交和战略工具逐渐成为其对外援助的一个重要特征。日本的对外援助是援助研究中比较有代表性的案例,通过这一研究能更好地认识国际援助的发展。另外,日本对外援助过程中的一些经验教训也能为中国提供借鉴。     

试析“茉莉花革命”以来美国对突尼斯的援助

2011年初突尼斯发生"茉莉花革命"以来,美国力图通过对外援助支持和巩固突尼斯的国内转型,使突尼斯的转型成为美国在中东"促进民主"、推动政治经济改革的"样板"。在具体实施中,美国对突尼斯的援助呈现出三个特征:援助规模有较大提升;援助以双边账户和多国账户同时进行,其中多国账户的运用对美国迅速增加对突尼斯的援助发挥了重要作用;安全援助在美国对突尼斯的援助中占有很大的份额。究其原因,国会的支持和美国既有的中东援助体系使美国政府2011年以来能够迅速提升对突尼斯的援助规模;突尼斯转型进程面临的严峻安全挑战并未从根本上逆转美国援助突尼斯的积极态度,仅影响了美国援助突尼斯的资金流向,"安全第一"成为美国援助突尼斯的最重要的特征之一。     

法国对外援助的经验教训及其借鉴意义

法国具有长期对外援助的历史。在对外援助中,法国积累了丰富的实践经验,这些经验主要是,坚持普遍与重点相结合的地区援助政策,重视法国文化传播,推进对落后国家的气候援助,注重发挥非政府组织作用,建立援助评估制度,加强与国际组织的合作等。但法国对外援助也有一些教训和问题:援助目标过多,援助机构复杂,与受援国关系不对等,导致受援国产生援助依赖。我国深化援外方式改革,应注意吸取法国的经验教训,进一步完善我国的对外援助管理体系,灵活确定重点援助国别,引导企业主动履行社会责任,加强与受援国的文化交流,谨慎处理对外援助中的多边合作关系。     

美国“反叛乱”理论的发展及其困境

20世纪中期以后,随着第三世界民族解放运动的勃兴和美国加大在第三世界的政治、军事干涉力度,美国政府日益关注和重视"反叛乱"理论与实践。美国"反叛乱"理论的形成与发展大体经历了三大阶段:肯尼迪时期、里根时期和小布什-奥巴马时期。其中肯尼迪时期强调对所谓"反叛乱"政府的扶持,与苏联争夺对第三世界的政治、军事控制;里根时期的"叛乱"和"反叛乱"被纳入"低强度冲突"理论的框架;小布什时期则是为了应对所谓的伊斯兰圣战主义"全球叛乱"。然而"反叛乱"理论作为美国海外干涉的一种理念依据,总是面临着对外干涉本身所固有的政治、军事和道义困境。     

美国对朝鲜粮食援助政策的演变与评估

美国对朝鲜的粮食援助政策具有鲜明的政治化特征,它是一个美国把对外援助当作追求战略目标手段的典型事例。由于长期的敌对状态,美国对朝鲜的粮食援助被赋予了诸多政治条件,以此试图影响朝鲜的内外政策。不仅如此,美国逐步建立起对朝鲜粮食援助的机制,鲜明地表现出美国对外战略思维中的一大特征:即不断寻求妥协,努力制定符合国家利益和价值观的游戏规则。     

美国对菲律宾1972年军管法的态度与政策

本文对20世纪70年代初美国政府对菲律宾军管法的态度与政策进行分析.总体而言,美国政府对军管法持默许态度,并且继续援助马科斯独裁政权.美国政府对菲律宾军管法采取默许态度并非美国国内各方的一致认可,而是商会、 国会及政府三方折冲的结果.经济利益、 军事基地的重要性和美国战略的调整,构成了美国对军管法认可的主要因素,因而,在马科斯独裁统治下,美国并未放松对菲律宾的各种援助,只是对其援助方式进行了调整.美国对菲律宾军管法的态度,显示出冷战时期现实主义政策下美国对民主输出的自我否定.     

Undermining Western democracy promotion in Central Asia: China’s countervailing influences,powers and impact

This article examines whether and to what extent China’s involvement in Central Asian countries undermines the democracy promotion efforts of the European Union and the United States. Findings confirm that China does indeed challenge Western efforts, but in an indirect way. First, Chinese provision of substantial and unconditional financial assistance makes Western politically conditioned aid appear both ungenerous and an infringement of sovereignty. Second, the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation, inclusive of China’s leadership role, creates an institutional means through which the (semi-)authoritarianism of member states is legitimized and challenges Western emphasis on democracy and human rights. Finally, by the power of its own example, China demonstrates that democracy is not a prerequisite for prosperity, the rule of law and social well-being.     

Becoming a “Good Nixon Doctrine Country”: Political Relations between the United States and Singapore during the Nixon Presidency

The Nixon Doctrine, which devolved US troops from direct involvement in Asian conflicts but gave priority to military sales and economic assistance, was considered by some commentators to be an inefficacious foreign policy approach that did little to serve US interests in Asia during the Cold War. Using Singapore as a case study, this article demonstrates that Richard Nixon's foreign policy approach improved US‐Singapore relations significantly from 1970 onwards. After a period of flirtation with the Soviet Union during 1968–72, Singapore came to be labelled a “good Nixon Doctrine country” by the US government in 1973. Through the sale of US military equipment and economic assistance, Singapore and the US cultivated bilateral ties that endured after the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam in 1973 and the fall of Saigon two years later.     

Burkina Faso: Between Taiwan's active public diplomacy and China's business attractiveness

Burkina Faso and Taiwan restored official relations in 1994, after which Taipei's aid has been generous. Taiwan's approach to official development assistance has remained largely traditional, closely linking its public diplomacy to its foreign policy objectives. Trade between both countries has remained very modest. In the same period, because of mainland China's rise and active strategy of ‘going out’, Burkina Faso has developed a robust trade and business relationship with China. As a result, the pull to establish official ties with China (and thus end ties with Taiwan) has become a domestic political issue. After the ousting of President Blaise Compaoré in 2014, a failed coup and then the return to democracy as seen in the November 2015 elections, this debate has become more public. While Burkina Faso has remained faithful to Taiwan and continues to publicly appreciate its assistance, there is no certainty that the political values that both Burkina Faso and Taiwan share will prevent a Burkinabe move towards China.     

“Send Them a Shipload of Rice”: Australia's Food Aid to Indonesia, 1960s–1970s

This paper asks why it took ten years after a major famine in Indonesia in 1957 for Australia's food aid to increase in greater amounts, and why food aid was so significant in Australia's foreign aid to Indonesia during the late 1960s and 1970s. Indonesia's reluctance to apply for food aid under the Colombo Plan is the reason for the delay. A combination of humanitarian, commercial and international relations interests converged to shape Australia's rapidly growing food aid to Indonesia after 1966. Food aid contributed to alleviating food shortages and famines in Indonesia. It also supported Australian firms in regaining their share in the growing market for wheat-based products in Indonesia, and in building market share for Australian rice exports, in competition with United States (US) producers and the US PL480 food aid program. Food aid also allowed Australia to expand its foreign aid program to Indonesia rapidly after 1966, in support of the government of new President Soeharto and improved bilateral relations.     

The European Union (EU) in Asian Security: Actor with a Punch or Distant Bystander?

The EU calls itself a “soft power,” making “soft power” contributions to Asian security. That is undoubtedly what the EU is and does in Asia and the track record of European contributions to Asian peace and stability through economic and financial as well as development aid and technical assistance over the decades is not unimpressive. As will be shown below, over recent years Brussels and the Union's individual member states have sought to increase their involvement and role in Asian “hard security,” attempting to get rid of its reputation of being security a “free-rider” enjoying but not sharing the burden of US regional security guarantees. While the EU will continue to be a “hard security” actor in Asian security within limits, it is advised to concentrate its security cooperation with like-minded partners such as Japan and the US as opposed to hoping that talking to Beijing on regional or global security issues produces tangible results. As will be shown below, it clearly does not as Beijing continues to conduct very assertive and at times aggressive regional foreign and security policies insisting on the “principle of non-interference” in Chinese domestic and foreign policies. Consequently, EU influence on Chinese foreign and security policies in general and its increasingly aggressive policies related to territorial claims in the East China and South China Seas will continue to exist on paper and paper only.     

Compromising coalitions and duplicitous diplomacy: US support for Tajikistan after 9/11 and its security implications

This article investigates the development of democracy in Tajikistan and analyzes what has earned it the most international acclaim: its secular-Islamic governing coalition. The investigation reveals a compromised and illegitimate coalition that, with American collusion in local regime repression, poses great dangers to international security. The article argues that government repression, leading to increasing radicalization, combines with foreign aid to damage long-term democracy potential in Tajikistan but also works against global security interests by creating doubt about American intentions and possibly allowing a concomitant rise in Islamic radicalism.     

Pax Democratica: The Gospel According to St. Democracy

The thaw of the Cold War ended the chess game between the superpowers and seemingly gave new momentum to the revival and spread of liberal democracy and its corollary, capitalism. Just as missionaries once offered Christianity to "save" colonised peoples, democracy has become the new gospel promising "salvation". Both donor and recipient countries appeal to democracy, hoping that it will reverse decades of misfortune. Donor nations and multilateral financial institutions preach democratic governance. "Born again democratic" national leaders in the South who are intent on clinging to power attend to their sermons. None appear to have a genuine faith in democracy. While some nations and NGOs do give altruistically, most use foreign aid as another means of pursuing their national interest. Democracy is an elastic concept. Indeed it seems, at least at this point, that the new gospel of democracy is but a convenient tool used by different players for they own selfish reasons.     

日本对中南半岛四国官方发展援助的贸易效应——基于引力模型的实证

基于1971年—2014年间日本对中南半岛四国(柬埔寨、老挝、缅甸、越南,简称CLMV)的官方发展援助(ODA)与双边贸易的面板数据,以贸易引力模型为工具,实证分析了日本对四国的官方发展援助(ODA)和双边贸易增长的联动关系,探讨了日本对中南半岛区域内相关国家官方发展援助所产生的贸易效应。结果表明:日本对CLMV的官方发展援助(ODA)与双边贸易流量具有显著的正向关系,其对外援助的确具有积极的贸易促进效应。     

Democracy Promotion versus Engagement with Iran

US President Barack Obama has tried two very distinct policy options in dealing with Iran. The engagement policy was designed to make a break with the past experience and re-start US-Iran relations on a positive footing. This approach was consistent with the advice offered to the new administration by Iran analysts and leaders of non-governmental organisations. The implication of the engagement policy, however, was sidelining the US commitment to democracy and human rights in Iran. This policy could offer little to the budding reform movement in 2009. The alternative policy of containment was not beneficial to the reform movement either. The policy shift at the end of 2009 was a response to Iran's failure to comply with the requirements of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The containment policy, manifested in the fourth round of UN-imposed sanctions on Iran, has led to a further entrenching of the hard-liners in the regime and intolerance of internal dissent.     

Bringing back the issues: Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy under President Olusegun Obasanjo

This article analyses President Obasanjo’s pursuit of Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy. While the general impression has been that Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy succeeded under the civilian administration of Obasanjo, this study contends that the record of performance is mixed. The administration’s diplomatic engagements in Africa produced a number of key upturns such as the deepening of democracy, peace and stability, and development through the framework of NEPAD. On the other hand, there were also major diplomatic setbacks. The study provides explanations for the mixed outcomes to draw important lessons that could aid the design of the policy in the post-Obasanjo era.