欧盟碳排放交易体系改革的内外制约及发展趋向

欧盟碳排放交易体系存在配额价格持续低迷的问题,在其发展过程中,一系列的改革都围绕配额总量的设定和碳价的稳定而进行。欧盟碳排放交易体系的改革受制于国家间利益分歧、欧盟机构协调以及企业立场等内部因素,同时不利的外部环境不仅没有给欧盟提供改革机遇,反而给欧盟的决策能力以及在气候政策上的领导力带来更大的挑战。鉴于改革面临的困境以及碳价持续走低的问题,欧盟碳排放交易体系的未来改革趋向在于:合理设置阶段性减排目标,增强欧盟的行动力。其次,协调成员国在政治经济结构等方面的差异,在政策的制定和实施过程中与成员国形成充分的互动。再次,扩大欧盟碳排放交易体系的覆盖范围,降低企业的履约成本。最后,从长期来看,欧盟日益重视新能源开发和能效提高,强化其气候政策先行者地位。     

欧盟反市场操纵制度的变革与启示

欧盟将市场操纵作为一种市场滥用行为进行监管.近年来,为提高金融监管一体化水平,欧盟陆续通过了《反市场滥用条例》等相关法案,对欧盟反市场操纵制度进行了重大改革.一是扩大了市场操纵监管范围,填补了对新型交易场所和场外交易金融工具、碳排放配额、现货商品合约与企图操纵市场的监管缺失.二是完善了市场操纵认定规则,构建了以市场操纵定义为核心、市场操纵征兆为辅助、公认市场惯例为例外的多层次认定规则体系.三是强化了市场操纵监管措施,完善了机构预警报告制度、监管调查权力、监管合作范围与行政制裁等方面的内容.值此我国证券期货市场基本法修订之际,欧盟反市场操纵制度的最新立法实践可以为我国立法者和监管者提供有益启示.     

欧盟在国际气候与能源政策中的领导角色和德国的能源转向政策

本文将欧洲的气候与能源政策以及德国的能源转向政策视为一枚硬币的两面予以解读。首先介绍欧盟气候与能源政策一体化的历史发展脉络,继而指出当前的问题,尤其是欧洲碳排放交易体系出现的问题。本文第三部分指出欧盟在这一政策领域的领导作用式微,而且仅有少量迹象表明,在未来几年,欧盟还能像21世纪头10年那样决定国际气候政策。第四部分介绍德国能源转向政策的发展,并将其作为次优机制进行阐述。在结论部分,本文将气候与能源政策的讨论置于一个更广阔的框架,探讨本文所呈现的视角的其他相关问题。     

欧盟经济外交的特点及中国的应对策略

多层治理结构下的欧盟对外决策主体具有多层性和多元性特点。为了规范联盟治理体系和增强联盟对外行动能力,欧盟通过不间断的制度变革来实现联盟的"善治",这种"制度依赖"进而外溢为欧盟经济外交的规制性特征。在制度规范下,欧盟独特的集体决策模式使欧盟成为"易守难攻"的"欧洲堡垒"。受欧盟制度结构和决策机制影响的欧盟经济外交特点,逐渐成为影响中欧经济外交的内生变量。本文选取中欧纺织品争端、市场经济地位问题和中欧光伏争端作为案例,分析了欧盟独特的制度结构和决策机制如何影响欧盟经济外交行为;在此基础上,对中国的应对策略提出了相关建议。     

欧洲政治一体化的发展与前瞻

欧洲政治一体化经历了"欧洲政治合作"、"共同外交与安全政策"以及"共同安全与防务政策"三个发展阶段,使欧洲国家外交政策的合作越来越紧密。然而因各国外交利益的不同道致欧洲外交政策无法步调一致,因此影响了欧洲联盟对国际事务的影响力。《里斯本条约》改变了欧洲联盟传统的外交与安全体系,创造了一个"金三角、两系统"的新格局,亦即建构"新人事制度"、"新外交决策体系"与"新外交行政体系"等,使欧洲联盟外交与安全体系焕然一新。这种新格局下可能创造出来的外交能量,极可能增强欧盟的外交能力,使欧洲联盟成为更具影响力的全球角色,这项变革将大大增加欧洲联盟成为国际政治新强权的实力,未来欧盟亦将因此对国际体系发挥前所未有的影响力,以上发展值得深入研究与观察。     

欧盟特别代表制度:机制发展及其影响

欧盟特别代表制度是特使外交在欧盟的新发展,具有后者的灵活性、高层次性和较强专业性,是欧盟为发展共同外交而进行的重要制度实践.本文以欧盟共同外交与安全政策的发展为背景,特别代表制度的历史演进为线索,围绕其法理和机制两方面的制度化,分析了特别代表制度在初创、发展、巩固和改革四个阶段对特使外交的运用和创新性建设.欧盟特别代表制度在政策与机制两个层面为欧盟共同外交建设进行了重要探索.     

欧盟航空排放交易体系的WTO法解读

欧盟通过2008/101/EC号指令建立的航空排放交易体系在国际社会引起了广泛争议。该指令因违反一系列GATT及GATS与最惠国待遇和国民待遇相关的规则,实际上属于WTO规则所定义的贸易限制措施。借助WTO争端解决机制处理该问题是一种可行的方式,但我国需谨慎为之。努力建立我国自身的航空排放交易体系,并与欧盟相互豁免,同时提高我国航空业的节能减排能力,是应积极采取的应对该问题的国内措施。     

欧盟航空业碳减排规则的国际法分析

欧盟《2008年排放交易指令》规定,自2012年1月1日起,进出欧盟境内机场的所有航班排放的温室气体量都将被纳入欧盟温室气体排放交易体制。该项指令颁布伊始就受到国际社会的强烈质疑。本文首先针对该指令本身的架构,分析了它在规制主体的合法性、规制内容的合法性、规制方式的合理性以及规制的争端解决机制等方面存在的问题;其次,讨论了该指令与国际环境法规范、国际民用航空法规范、国际强行法规范的不兼容;最后,探讨了中国的应对立场与法律对策。     

权力的结构性转移——欧债危机作为机制转变的触发剂和强化剂

在所有政治体系中，生存危机都是机构间关系发生本质性改变的触发剂和强化剂。这尤其适用于欧盟和经货联盟的危机。本文的主旨是探究危机期间欧盟机构框架的变化。文章提出了三个核心问题以明确全文的分析结构。危机应对措施如何改变了成员国与欧盟间纵向的权限分配？危机应对措施如何改变了欧盟制度结构中各行为体横向的任务分配平衡？为了实施新措施，决策者需要哪些民主合法性来源？通过分析可以断定，业已存在的趋势将继续发展下去，同时还出现了一些出乎意料的转变。     

欧盟绿色经济的创新化发展路径及前瞻性研究

绿色经济是一种新经济增长方式,有别于以高能耗、高污染、高排放为特征的传统经济。1989年"绿色经济"概念正式问世以来,在最近二、三十年间,如何推动绿色经济增长已经成为炙手可热的经济学理论问题。本文多维度阐述了绿色经济概念的产生及发展,分析了欧盟对绿色经济概念的认知过程,并提出欧盟发展绿色经济既有内在需要,也是迫于外部压力。本文认为,欧盟优先从可再生能源、碳排放交易体系、低碳创新战略三大路径入手,推动绿色、低碳、节能增长方式发展,将有助于欧洲保障能源供应安全,在低碳化、绿色化、节能化领域占据主导权,从而引领世界各国向低碳经济转型。     

欧洲主权债务危机与美国债务风险的比较分析

欧洲主权债务危机是1957年《罗马条约》签署以来欧洲面临的最大考验,欧元则遭遇了正式面世10年来最为严重的生存危机。欧洲主权债务危机的爆发,并非仅仅因为其债务问题非常严重,更主要的是因为欧洲的联合中存在着制度性的缺陷。为了克服这些制度性的缺陷,欧洲必须加强对成员国的财政监督、适度地统一管理欧洲的债务、引入惩罚和债务管理机制。一国退出欧元区将面临巨大的经济成本、政治成本和法律、技术方面的障碍。因此,欧元区解体是小概率事件,联合仍然是欧洲政治的主流和传统。和欧洲主权债务危机相比,美国债务问题面临的风险更大。     

Revisiting Transnational European Consociationalism: The European Union a Decade After Lisbon

This article discusses the notion of consociationalism as applied to the EU and assesses whether the institutional and procedural changes introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) and by the management of the Euro and refugee crises still warrant considering the EU as a case of consociational democracy. Our contention is that the changes introduced by the ToL bore the promise to strengthen the consociational structural traits of the Union but that the further institutional and procedural changes engendered by the management of the Euro and refugee crises have made the behavioral dimension of consociationalism all the more necessary just as the accommodating orientation of the political elites had begun to evaporate. We support this argument by looking at empirical evidence which allows us to offer a set of propositions on the effects of the recent crises on the attitudes of the European elites towards the future of EU democracy.     

Incidents on Mount Scopus: UNTSO effectiveness and the 1958 death of Lieutenant Colonel George Flint

The Europeanization reforms in Turkey are partly designed to bring about the demilitarization of Turkish politics. However, up to now reforms have not been free from the military's impact. The democracy game is still played in a field whose borders have been delimited by the Turkish armed forces (TAF) and its interpretation of Kemalism. Even when the boundaries of these borders were extended, it was more due to the TAF's self-restraint, motivated by the prospect of membership in the EU, rather than the restrictive impact of institutional reforms. Under these circumstances, the future of Europeanization and thus the demilitarization of Turkish politics is likely to be shaped by whether reforms will reach the issues and prerogatives that the military has carefully guarded and whether the EU will offer the state a credible prospect for membership.     

The structural sources of postcommunist regime trajectories

Regime trajectories in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union (FSU) have diverged considerably since the collapse of communism. We argue that this variation is the product of two largely structural factors: the salience of anti-Soviet nationalism and the opportunity for membership in the European Union (EU) that was mostly the product of geography. In Eastern Europe and the Baltic states, anti-Soviet nationalism and the stimulus of EU democratic conditionality contributed to the rise of a non-communist elite that confronted serious internal and external pressure to democratize. By contrast, weaker anti-Soviet nationalism and dearth of pressure from the EU allowed for the persistence of communist elites who faced relatively weak external constraints on autocratic behavior. We argue that these structural factors played a more important role in accounting for variation in democratization across the postcommunist world than factors such as institutional design. At the same time, the different character of structural forces in Eastern Europe and the FSU has likely created greater room for voluntarist factors in determining regime variation within the former Soviet Union than within Eastern Europe.     

The Commonwealth Caribbean and Europe: The End of the Affair?

Abstract

The institutional relationship between the Commonwealth Caribbean and the European Union (EU) dates back to the mid-1970s, when the Lomé Convention was signed. The agreement was seen as a high water mark in First–Third World relations. However, since then the bond has come under concerted pressure. The consequence is that today the particularism that underpinned relations for so long has almost vanished and the EU is beginning to treat the Caribbean like any other relatively marginal region of the world. The article evaluates the reasons for this change, in particular: the scrapping of the trade protocols; the erosion of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) preference due to free trade agreements signed by the EU; the refocusing of EU development policy towards the least developed countries; and the split in the ACP group with the creation of an ill-designed regional Economic Partnership Agreement. The article places these changes into starker relief by assessing briefly the deepening links between the United Kingdom Overseas Territories and the EU. However, as the article highlights, this link will neither reboot nor sustain the more important Commonwealth Caribbean–EU relationship.     

EMU Political Leadership vs. Greek Civil Society: How Shall We Live Together?

EMU is a political programme at risk: its reform must reconnect with the original Community ethos as well as institutional and policy changes. Historically this ethos manifested itself in public practices of power as action in concert (‘promise’) and generosity (‘gift’), which Arendt, Mauss and Ricoeur’s political thought helps define. The 2012 Fiscal Compact moved away from such practices. Some Greek civil society organizations have demonstrated more genuine commitment to promise and generosity during the Greek fiscal crisis. This is not unique to Greece. EU parliaments and executives must consult with civil society meaningfully to properly integrate EMU within EU law.     

Europeanisation of the German education system

In education matters the EU has merely a coordinating function which leaves the member states in full control of their respective education systems. In this article, however, I claim that Europeanisation in education has taken place even before it was officially introduced by the Maastricht Treaty. The aim of this analysis is to explore changes in the German education system as a possible result of Europeanisation. On the basis of institutional and policy analysis in primary, secondary and tertiary education, recent reforms and developments are scrutinised in the light of European integration and globalisation. Despite the obvious dominance of international and global pressures as explanatory variables for reform, it will be argued that a considerable number of features in the German education system are caused by ‘soft’ or indirect Europeanisation.     

欧盟官方发展援助变革的实证考察

欧盟是一个以经济力量立足的新型权力体,对外作为更多的是通过经济手段的政治化运作体现自身的价值追求,官方发展援助(ODA)即是欧盟外交最具效力的政策实施工具之一。扩大使欧盟的外援日益体现出全球性架构,国际局势的变迁促成了援助方式与理念的根本性转变,其进一步变革将沿着集中、融合、分工交错并行的轨迹演进。不管未来外援是否发生结构性的变化,欧盟固有的力量属性不会有实质性的改变。欧盟将继续倚重对外援助等经济手段,致力于建构其声称的自由、开放、法治、共赢的国际新秩序。     

《里斯本条约》与欧盟成员国国际投资保护协定的欧洲化

欧盟成员国各自签订了大量的国际投资保护协定,这些协定与欧盟法之间存在冲突,欧盟一直致力于解决该冲突,使这些协定和欧盟法逐渐统一。《里斯本条约》的通过和生效将极大地促进欧盟成员国国际投资保护协定的欧洲化。为此,欧盟一边努力将其成员国现有双边投资保护协定是否继续有效、成员国是否有权和第三国谈判签订新的双边投资保护协定的问题都纳入自己的控制范围,一边积极行使自己的新权能与第三国进行双边投资条约的谈判。