试论台湾与东南亚关系的现实基础、影响因素及发展路径

台湾和东南亚的关系与两岸关系及大陆-台湾-东南亚国家三方关系的互动有着密切联系.随着大陆实力的增强,因两岸关系对立而产生的东南亚国家不得不在大陆与台湾之间进行选择的政治难题已经消失,以中国-东盟自由贸易区建设为先导的东亚区域经济一体化进程更从客观上弱化了台湾单独与东南亚国家发展关系的政策效应.由于以"东盟+n"方式参与东亚区域经济合作将导致两岸关系的恶化和多方关系的复杂化,因此,台湾直接参与已经开始实施的"东盟+中国"合作框架将更有利于台湾的发展以及与此相关各方关系的协调.     

中国—日本—东盟三角关系结构变化与东亚一体化前景

中国、日本和东盟是决定东亚一体化发展前景的三种主要力量;它们之间关系的发展变化,在一定程度上决定和制约着未来东亚一体化的模式选择.本文试图运用国际政治理论中传统的战略三角关系分析方法,探讨中国-日本-东盟三角关系的四种可能结构,从而展望在不同的结构下东亚一体化可能出现的四种模式.     

中国—东盟政治互信:现状、问题与模式选择

在中国崛起和东亚权力转移的背景下,中国—东盟双边关系正稳步发展,但近年来美国重返东南亚战略的实施给中国—东盟政治互信关系的发展带来一定变数。中国与东盟应该加强经贸合作,巩固政治互信,中国—东盟政治互信的加强,将为中国进一步赢得国际社会的信任奠定基础,在中日互信关系降到冰点时,这种国际信任尤为重要。中国与东盟应在全面合作中建构新的共同利益,同时正视中国—东盟双边关系中存在的问题,因势利导,选择恰当的政治互信关系模式。     

东亚结构变迁与中日关系:权力转移理论视角

本文对权力转移理论加以扩展,区分实力与政治权力,并探讨了全球层级体系和区域层级体系并存的情形。借助这一扩展的权力转移理论框架,本文分析了20世纪80年代以来东亚的实力格局和政治权力结构的变迁,中日对东亚政治权力格局态度的变迁,以及前两项对中日关系和东亚区域稳定的影响,并讨论了美国面对中国崛起而采取的对日战略。本文认为,中国崛起所导致的中日两国间的权力转移有利于东亚稳定,但冷战结束以来日本对东亚区域层级体系的态度逐渐由满意转变为不满意,给东亚稳定带来不确定性。本文指出,中国在全面推进与日本的战略互惠关系时,不应在日本"入常"、领土主权等争议上轻易妥协,而应承担起东亚领导者的角色,同时尽可能避免在美国的认知中成为挑战者。     

论东亚一体化的动力与源泉

东亚一体化的原动力之一是东南亚地区的一体化,最近几年蓬勃发展的中国-东盟合作则为东亚一体化进程增添了新的动力.冷战结束后,中国-东盟经济合作的步伐逐步加快,从发展双边的经济贸易关系开始到中国-东盟自由贸易区计划的提出和启动,为更大范围的东亚区域经济合作和一体化起到了加速器的作用.中国-东盟合作有可能成为推动整个东亚一体化进程的发动机.     

"东盟方式"与东盟地区一体化

东盟自成立以来逐渐形成了一套独特的组织和决策方式,即"东盟方式"."东盟方式"有利于东盟国家的政治合作,是东盟一体化初期阶段的重要基础.但是在"东盟方式"的制约下,东盟难以建立超国家权力机构,缺乏集体行动能力,因此不利于经济一体化的发展,也使东盟难以在经济和安全领域进行危机管理.认识到这一点,东盟正在尝试采取有限的改革措施.     

建立中韩自由贸易,推动东亚经济一体化发展

东亚地区经济一体化合作中呈现了多种机制和路径并存的局面, 主要原因是该地区缺乏可以主导地区经济合作的力量和机制, 这就为该地区次等力量、次等双边合作关系充分发挥推动地区经济一体化的作用创造了条件并提供了广阔空间, 也凸显了它们推动地区经济合作的作用。建立中韩自由贸易区必将激起区域内各种双边关系的调整, 推动中韩日三边合作、东盟与东北亚三国的进一步联合, 从而促进地区经济一体化发展。当前, 中韩政治关系良好, 经贸相互依赖关系加强, 在地区经济一体化合作上有共同利益, 建立中韩双边自由贸易区的条件基本成熟。研究…     

从有限包容理论看中国-东盟关系的经济依赖与安全疑虑

中国-东盟关系经历25年的正式交往，建立了紧密的经济联系，取得巨大的经贸成就，但也存在许多不确定因素和尚未实现的战略诉求。近年来随着双方的实力差距不断加大和受域外国家介入的南海争端干扰，中国-东盟关系在高端政治领域的发展滞缓，东盟对中国的安全疑虑不断增强。本文以包容理论分析中国-东盟关系中东盟“经济上依靠中国，安全上依...     

印尼、马来西亚、新加坡在东亚合作中的作用及其态度

近年来,东亚在经济、反恐和安全等领域的合作发展较快,印尼、马来西亚、新加坡等东盟主要国家对东亚合作起了推动、协调和平衡的积极作用,这些国家对东亚合作的积极态度将会推动东亚一体化的进程.     

东盟区域一体化的发展及成员国间的双边关系

近年来,东盟的区域一体化加速发展,并出现了一系列格局性变化。从特惠贸易安排到自由贸易区,再到经济共同体,展现了东盟区域一体化浪潮的发展远景。为应对全球性区域一体化浪潮的迅速兴起,东盟积极制定和调整区域一体化战略,各主要成员国也不断增进双边互信和合作关系,在政治、经济、军事和非传统安全等领域的合作上取得了新进展。     

The Potential of China-Japan-South Korea Free Trade Agreement

This article explores the economic calculations behind the recent initiatives for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the Governments of China, Japan and South Korea (CJK) and clarifies the implications for future regional economic integration. First, the proposed trilateral FTA signifies an advancement of China-centered regional economic integration. Regional economic integration led by China may also increase its political clout at the global stage. Second, the Governments of South Korea and Japan seek greater involvement in China's huge domestic market, but the former is concerned that a trilateral FTA will worsen its trade deficit with Japan, and the latter is afraid of losing its market shares in China and America to its Korean rival. Japan, therefore, seeks membership of both the CJK FTA and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Third, China and the US' active involvement in regional economic integration will push the three countries to go forward towards greater economic cooperation. However, it will take longer for China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and America-led TPP to bear fruit because of the large number of countries involved. Therefore, the conclusion of CJK FTA will be an important boost for the further progress of both RCEP and TPP. It will also be an important stabiliser for the trilateral political relations in the future.     

Trilateral trade relations among China,Japan and South Korea: Challenges and prospects of regional economic integration

China’s emergence as a global and regional manufacturing center has significant implications for the Northeast Asian economies of Japan and South Korea. China's trade with Japan and South Korea has been rapidly growing in relative importance, largely facilitated by China's rise as a regional production base as well as changes in the trade structures between China and her neighbours. Indeed, in recent years, China has been the main driving force behind Northeast Asian trade interdependency. The strong economic linkages and complementarities among China, Japan and South Korea augur well for the further integration among the three Northeast Asian countries. Establishing a trilateral free trade arrangement (FTA) provide new opportunities to enhance the three countries’ overall growth potential through trade and investment. However, such Northeast Asian regional integration is destined to be a long, drawn out process. The forging of a trilateral trading arrangement between China and her two neighbours remain a long term vision in view of the many outstanding issues and obstacles.     

论东亚经济共同体的形成基础及其发展趋势

近20年来,随着区域经济一体化的进展,东亚各经济体的贸易和投资关系日益密切。就贸易依存度而言,东亚已接近一体化程度最高的欧盟,堪称超越政治制度差异而组成的自然经济区域的典范。东亚区域大部分与东亚汉文化圈重叠,各国有相近的文化和价值观。相比欧盟地区,东亚地区历史上长期和睦相处,在东亚商贸圈内互通有无。因此,东亚各国的经济合作有着坚实的历史、人文和地理基础。随着经济一体化程度的加深,有利于促进一体化的政府间制度性安排也必将应运而生。当今各方政治领导人的主观意向,只能某种程度延缓或加速这种趋势。     

Diplomatic Objectives in Trade Politics: The Development of the China-Japan-Korea FTA

This article seeks to analyze the development of free trade agreement (FTA) policies adopted by China, Japan, and South Korea with particular interests in the trilateral FTA. It seeks to address what the determinant factors that have conditioned the development of the trilateral FTA are. While the three governments began the informal joint study of the trilateral FTA in 2003, they pursued diverse trade strategies that disturbed a shift to formal negotiations. However, China's strategy to hedge against the US influence in East Asia became a catalyst in shifting from the long-lasting study stage to the launching of negotiations. Moreover, Japan's strategy to participate in TPP negotiations as a soft balancing against China through closer political linkages with the United States weakened China's and South Korea's willingness to engage in the trilateral FTA positively. Thus, the three countries’ commitments to the trilateral FTA were primarily confined by their specific diplomatic objectives responding to the political-economic evolutions in the Asia-Pacific region.     

大国博弈、双层均势的亚洲时刻--俄罗斯智库对中美经贸摩擦的认知与政策立场

俄罗斯智库对中美经贸摩擦有着独特的认知和期待,并与克里姆林宫的官方立场互为表里。总体上,俄方智库的观点是,在经贸摩擦的背后,是中美两国对军事、政治、科技、地区和全球领导权的竞争;两国的国内议程和对外政策,将因此受到深远影响并产生溢出效应--在亚洲区域内形成两极结构。即使两国会因国内和国际政治因素,在经贸问题上达成妥协,但中方不会放弃获得世界科技领导者的雄心,美方也不会打消遏制中国发展动能的战略意图。俄罗斯应与中国继续保持经济与军事合作,避免与美国和西方关系的继续恶化,并在亚太地区推动"大欧亚伙伴关系"倡议。俄罗斯政策分析界基于自身利益的演绎,将中美经贸摩擦定性为大国博弈,相应的政策建议反映出俄罗斯以在全球和亚洲分别制衡美中为目标的双层均势策略。俄罗斯将在有亚洲其他国家参与的情景下扮演战略平衡手角色,借中美全面对抗之势,在中美俄三边关系之外扭转不利的外部发展环境。俄罗斯对亚太国际局势的盘活作用,将催生双边和三边竞合新模式的建立。     

试析中日农产品贸易摩擦

随着全球经济一体化,各国之间的经贸关系日趋密切,我国对外贸易迅速发展,贸易摩擦逐年升温,特别是中日农产品贸易摩擦此起彼伏.本文以近年来中日农产品贸易摩擦实例为依据,从经济和政治两方面分析产生贸易摩擦的原因,而后提出缓解贸易摩擦的措施.随着中日双方的相互协调和经济发展,中日农产品贸易将在摩擦中继续发展.     

From distrust to mutual interests?: Emerging cooperation in Northeast Asia

In Northeast Asia, historical legacies, a lack of common identity and great power politics impeded political cooperation and economic integration. However, China, Japan and South Korea have exhibited a growing interest in political and economic cooperation since the late 1990s. This article examines how the three Northeast Asian countries have developed political and economic cooperation by using the concept of ‘multilayered intergovernmentalism’. It argues that despite political tensions between China and Japan, regional cooperation among China, Japan and South Korea has been promoted by talks and bargains among the heads of state and government who strengthened incentives for closer cooperation. Moreover, multilayered frameworks formed at the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) level, through the Track II mechanisms, and in issue-specific areas have provided valuable input into advancing regional cooperation initiatives. Whereas the APT framework offered incentives and opportunities to exchange views and information for closer trilateral cooperation, the outcomes of the research at the Track II were incorporated into the leaders' cooperative initiatives. The existence of issue-specific frameworks stirred talks and negotiations at the summit level.     

The rise of china and the future of east asian integration

China is rising as the fastest growing largest economy and thereby leading a market-driven economic integration in East Asia. At the same time, nationalism is also rising and constraining East Asian countries from forming a state-driven regional community. This paper examines the political economy of interdependence and nationalism that is taking place in East Asia. Simply put, its central theme is that the degree of interdependence, especially between China and other countries, is deepening, and as a result, is pulling East Asia toward regional integration, but due to the rising tide of nationalism, it is far short of forming an actual community. In order to build a community, therefore, such economic trend must be propelled by political leadership and will. In elaborating on this thesis, the paper analyzes the trade and production networks centered on China, the efforts to promote regional integration in ASEAN?+?3, the nationalist rivalry between Japan and China in negotiating FTAs, and the difficulties in achieving Sino–Japanese reconciliation. Finally, the paper proposes a Northeast Asian Forum among Japan, South Korea and China while the US remains as a stabilizing force in East Asia.     

美韩同盟与未来中韩关系的战略框架

随着中韩关系特别是政治安全关系的发展,中韩关系与美韩同盟之间的矛盾可能更加突出。美国一直对中韩关系的发展保持警惕,而韩国则坚持以美韩同盟为其外交安保政策的基石,这些都是提升中韩关系的深层次挑战。中韩关系要摆脱美国因素是不可能的,未来中韩关系的战略框架也必须与中美韩多边关系框架,甚至是整个半岛的地缘政治框架结合在一起考虑。而且,为了在中美韩博弈中占得先机,中国必须对这种未来战略框架进行前瞻性的规划和设计。本文认为,出于中国及地区整体利益的考虑,半岛的未来既要摆脱基于冷战经验的对抗式两极格局,也不能寄希望于那种多极均势下的脆弱和平。从长远来看,只有包括所有各方在内的地区集体安全机制才是稳定与和平的长久保障。美韩同盟可以成为这一机制的起点但又必须被超越,这就需要相关各方就此达成战略妥协,就地区未来做出彼此可以接受的决定。考虑到中美间的深层次不信任,韩国应该在中美间发挥沟通者而不是均衡者也不是中立者的作用,未来中韩关系应该在这种新背景下予以重新设计和发展。