人民政协专门协商机构制度建设的国家治理逻辑

人民政协作为专门协商机构在国家治理体系和治理能力现代化建设中具有重要地位和作用,体现着中国特色社会主义民主政治的优势。国家治理的本质特征、价值理念与运作过程为人民政协专门协商机构制度建设赋予必要前提、基本遵循与现实要求,人民政协专门协商机构制度的功能结构主要包含政治协商、民主监督、决策参与、凝聚共识。基于体系过程与结构功能分析以及主体角色与优势效能分析,人民政协专门协商机构制度建设的关键领域分别是人民政协政治协商更好纳入国家治理决策过程以及人民政协政治协商有效发挥国家治理共识凝聚功能。     

新时代人民政协凝聚共识的重要职能

新时代赋予人民政协新使命与政协委员新担当,新时代人民政协性质的新拓展也呼应其职能的新变化。凝聚共识成为新时代人民政协的重要职能,贯穿于人民政协三大职能之中,既是人民政协专门协商机构的职能体现,也是新时代人民政协履职工作的中心环节。这就需要充分发挥专门协商机构和政协委员双主体作用,从而在政协内部广泛凝聚共识,同时借助于社会主义协商民主独特优势与人民政协统战优势向社会广泛传播共识,为实现中华民族伟大复兴而凝心聚力。     

新时代人民政协性质定位新探

党的十八大以来,我国社会主义改革开放事业进入新时代,以习近平为核心的党中央高度重视人民政协工作,对新时代人民政协工作提出了一系列新思想、新要求、新任务,相应地人民政协的性质定位也由统一战线的组织、多党合作和政治协商的机构、发扬人民民主的重要形式,发展为统一战线的组织、多党合作和政治协商的机构、人民民主的重要实现形式、社会主义协商民主的重要渠道和专门协商机构,以及国家治理体系的重要组成部分.     

社会主义协商民主的价值定位、体系建构与基本进路北大核心

发展全过程人民民主是中国式现代化的本质要求,协商民主是实践全过程人民民主的重要形式。新时代全面发展协商民主,需要在全过程人民民主的逻辑中明晰价值定位、构建完备体系、探索基本进路。就价值定位而言,既要在历史传承和现实需求中理解社会主义协商民主,又要从全过程人民民主的框架中把握协商民主的发展目标;就体系构建而言,要从广泛多层制度化切入,统筹推进七大协商的协商民主体系,并通过党的领导、统一战线和协商民主的有机结合为协商民主体系提供制度支撑;就基本进路而言,要充分发挥人民政协专门协商机构作用,展现专门协商机构在协商民主中的独特优势与示范效应,搭建全过程人民民主的坚实平台。     

人民政协协商民主的实现形式与完善路径

人民政协是发扬社会主义民主的重要形式,伴随着中国社会的发展,人民政协协商民主在国家各个领域都发挥着至关重要的作用。当然,人民政协协商民主主要是通过专题协商、对口协商、界别协商、提案办理协商的形式来实现的,因而我们要通过完善其制度、程序,以及人民政协委员会自身的建设使其逐步健全,从而使人民政协协商民主走向制度化、程序化和规范化。     

深度契合与有限疏离:人民政协与协商民主的关联性研究

人民政协与协商民主具有深度契合性:协调与宽容的品质、合作与共识的精神、求同与存异的理念.人民政协与协商民主存在有限疏离性:协商主体理性程度不高,协商各方不平等;协商程序规范不健全,协商机构非专门化;协商过程较少公开,协商结果落实有难度.当前,人民政协协商民主的拓展路径是,提高协商各方平等化程度.培养协商主体理性化思维,提升协商程序法制化水平,加强协商机构专门化建设,实现协商结果有效化落实.人民政协协商民主具有中国特色,是国家层面协商民主的经典形式.     

机遇和挑战:人民政协作为协商民主重要渠道功能的拓展

协商民主作为我国社会主义民主政治的特有形式,具有独特的优势,经过几十年的发展,日益显示出完善人民有序政治参与、密切党同人民群众的血肉联系、促进决策科学化民主化等方面的优越性。人民政协作为协商民主的重要渠道,其理论优势、制度优势和组织优势十分明显。然而,当前人民政协协商民主发展过程中存在着主体"平等性"不足、协商"参与性"不足、议题"专注性"不足、过程"程序性"不足、结果"实效性"不足等问题,为此应当扩展协商主体、发布协商信息、集中协商议题、完善协商程序、保障协商成果、发展基层协商。     

新中国建立以来人民政协性质定位的历史演进

新中国成立70年来,人民政协性质定位的历史演进大致可以分为三个阶段:建国初期从"代行人大职权"到"统一战线组织"的历史转型;新时期"人民政协是统一战线的组织,是多党合作和政治协商的机构,是人民民主的重要实现形式"三重维度的新拓展;新时代"协商民主重要渠道和专门协商机构"的新定位。其中"专门协商机构"定位赋予人民政协以更专门的政治职责和作用,使国家层面的协商民主形式不仅在政治理论和总体设计上,而且在实践上迈出了一大步。     

全过程人民民主视域下的立法协商

立法协商作为我国立法过程的基本程序和重要环节，是中国特色协商民主的特有形式，也是全过程人民民主的具体要求。全过程人民民主的“最广泛”“最真实”“最管用”应通过制定立法规划、提出立法建议、法律草案征求意见过程中的立法协商得以充分展现，通过人民政协、人民团体参与立法协商的形式得以有效彰显。立法协商还需要在加强党的统一领导、发挥人大主导作用、突出人民政协参与优势、推进立法协商制度化规范化等方面加以改革与完善。     

人民政协协商民主研究：梳理与概要

进入21世纪,我国协商民主研究兴起。人民政协协商民主作为中国特色协商民主的典型形式和主渠道,遂成为这一兴起研究中的热点。每年都有大量的文献发表,这使得人民政协协商民主得到了广泛而深入的研究。这些研究主要集中在人民政协协商民主的概念与特征、价值与功能、     

协商民主视野下的人民政协制度建设

以协商民主理论为参照,分析中国人民政治协商制度框架中已有制度的特点和应有制度之建设,从中可获得若干启发:即协商民主所追求的价值理念与人民政协制度建设的理念相契合;协商民主所期望的实践成果在人民政协制度建设中有具体体现;协商民主所引发的广泛讨论为中国人民政治协商制度建设改革提供了民意基础。     

基层协商民主的制度优势转化为治理效能的现实路径

我国悠久的协商思想为基层协商民主奠定了政治文化之基,而新时代则赋予了基层协商民主以新的内涵和实质。基层协商民主的演进发展之路,不断凸显出基层协商民主的制度优势。基层协商民主是实现党的领导的重要方式,是实现我国社会主义民主政治的独特形式,是推进基层社会治理现代化的重要力量,体现出我国国家制度和国家治理体系的显著优势。把基层协商民主制度优势转化为治理效能的现实路径有:坚持党对基层协商民主的领导,更好发挥基层协商民主的制度优势;加强基层协商民主制度建设,强化基层协商民主制度执行力;加强基层协商民主制度自信宣传教育,培养人们积极参与基层协商的意识;建设高素质基层协商人才队伍,为把基层协商民主制度优势转化为治理效能提供人才支撑。     

武装力量与建国大业——首届全国政协中的军队代表及其政治影响

“人民政协为新中国的建立做出了重大贡献。”人民军队也为人民政协的召开和新中国的成立做出了重大贡献。解放军是新政治协商会议的筹备者,也是第一届全国政协会议的重要组织者和参与者。新政治协商会议筹备会由23个单位共134人组成,解放军是筹委会委员最多的单位之一。第一届政协代表中不仅有一批威名远扬的著名将帅,也有很多可歌可泣的战斗英雄,解放军代表也是第一届全国政协会议中的大明星。在首届政协代表中,还有一批引人注目的“特殊”代表,即来自国民党军队的起义或投诚人员。第一届全国政协会议中大量军人代表的存在,在一定程度上明确展示和充分表明了武装力量在新中国政权建设中的重要地位和积极作用。     

Exploring Transnational Civil Society: A Comparative Study of Colombian,Dominican and Mexican Immigrant Organizations in the USA

ABSTRACT

European integration has added an extra dimension to the perceived crisis of contemporary democracy. Many observers argue that the allocation of decision-making powers beyond the nation state bears the risk of hollowing out the institutional mechanisms of democratic accountability. In EU governance, the Commission has emerged as a particularly active and imaginative actor promoting EU–society relations, and it has done so with the explicit desire to improve the democratic legitimacy of the EU. However, assumptions concerning the societal prerequisites of a working democracy differ with the normative theory of democracy employed. Therefore, expectations concerning the beneficial effect of institutional reforms such as the European Commission's new governance strategy, which was launched at the beginning of the century, vary according to normative standards set by different theories of democracy on the one hand and to the confidence in the malleability of society on the other. Our contribution seeks to pave a way for the systematic assessment of the democratic potential of the European Commission's consultation regime. To this purpose, two alternative theoretical conceptions that link participation to democracy will be presented. A list of criteria for both conceptions that enable us to empirically assess the democratic potential of the EU Commission's participatory strategy will then be presented.     

乡村振兴进程中协商民主嵌入乡村治理的内在机理与路径选择

协商民主作为重要的民主制度设计和治理形式,对于优化乡村治理具有极为重要的意义与价值。将协商民主嵌入乡村治理,实现协商民主与乡村治理的有效融合,契合党和政府推动乡村振兴战略顺利实施的迫切需要。协商民主嵌入乡村治理体系和治理过程,不是单纯的制度吸纳和整合,而是包括制度嵌入、行动嵌入和认知嵌入在内的多维嵌入结构和过程。从全国各地的治理实践来看,民主协商机制尚未真正嵌入乡村治理的各个环节和各个领域,协商民主的制度优势和治理功能未得到充分发挥。为此,必须加快协商民主嵌入乡村治理的进程,将协商民主理念嵌入到广大农村基层干部和群众的认知之中,形成有事好商量的思维方式和行为习惯;不断健全与完善协商民主的各种体制机制,促进协商民主制度优势转化为乡村治理效能。     

The discourse of democracy in Canadian nuclear waste management policy

Canadian nuclear waste management policy has taken a deliberative democratic turn. What explains this turn? What is its significance? What lessons does it teach us? I trace a narrative of a powerful discursive coalition that was able to take advantage of institutional and financial opportunities to advance deliberative democratic decision making. I identify limitations in this turn by evaluating the Nuclear Waste Management Organization’s subsequent consultation process against the criteria of inclusion, equality, reciprocity, agreement, and integration. Despite impressive deliberative democratic designs, the process falls short of each criterion. This analysis clarifies the relative importance of actors to coalitions and institutions. Even with a strong coalition and favorable institutional context, realizing deliberative democracy is contingent on the will of involved actors. This conclusion has implications for the theory and practice of deliberative democracy.     

From Competitive Regionalism to Cooperative Federalism: The Europeanization of the Spanish State of the Autonomies

Intergovernmental relations in Spain have undergone a significanttransformation during the past 22 years. With the transitionto democracy, Spain has developed from a unitary-centralistinto a quasi-federal polity in which the 17 autonomous communitiesenjoy significant political autonomy. However, Spain is notonly moving toward federal democracy, it is also approachinga cooperative model of federalism in which multilateral intergovernmentalcooperation and joint decision-making supersede the bilateralnegotiations and regional competition that traditionally characterizedintergovernmental relations. The shift from competitive regionalismto cooperative federalism is the result of the progressive Europeanizationof the Spanish state and its autonomous communities, which hasencouraged consultation and cooperation between the nationalgovernment and the regions. As traditional forms of intergovernmentalrelations proved ineffective for necessary coordination andcooperation, the Spanish government and the autonomous communitiesestablished a new procedure for cooperating in European affairs-thefirst institutional framework to provide for the joint participationof all 17 autonomous communities in central-state decision-making.     

Consultation and Contest: The Danger of Mixing Modes

This paper argues that public consultative procedures undertaken by governments or their public services sometimes go awry because of certain confusions as to the nature and purposes of consultation. One of the most important of these is a tendency to view consultation as an exercise in policy determination by the public rather than as public input into the representative democratic process whose ultimate use is to be defined by the elected decision-makers. The result of this confusion is a tendency to misunderstand or overestimate what public consultations can achieve, and a failure to make a distinction between occasions when such consultations are useful and occasions when they must give way to explicit political contest. Three levels of activity — the technical, the transactional and the political — are analytically distinguished along with the modes of action-response appropriate to each — in order to explain and clarify the nature of good consultative practice.     

公民参与式民主理论的拓展——异体问责的视角

公民参与式民主能够完善异体问责的理论和发展路径,而异体问责作为公民参与式民主的重要体现,能够为公民参与式民主的发展提供新视角。公民参与式民主理论强调公民与政府的双向互动,公民可以通过制度保证对政府管理进行监督问责,政府必须对公民监督问责做出积极回应并改善行政管理。民主模式从古希腊城邦的直接民主发展到近现代的代议制民主,20世纪中后期,随着时代的发展和科技的进步,参与式民主理论在对代议制民主的批判和重构中逐渐发展成熟。在该理论指导下的参与式民主实践逐步深入,从而加强了公民作为政府异体问责主体的地位,在具体实践中体现为宏观领域的行政民主、中观领域的电子民主、微观领域的工业民主。     

Indian Federalism and Democracy: The Growing Salience of Diversity-claims Over Equality-claims in Comparative and Indian Perspective

This article introduces a conceptual distinction between diversity-claims and equality-claims in order to reflect critically on the relation between federalism and democracy in India, which is not adequately problematized and somewhat neglected. Federalism and democracy suggest two different problematics, but in India democracy has often played second fiddle to the claims of diversity. As a result, India's success as a federation has not been paralleled by its record as a democracy in terms of its equality functions. Since the article engages with the issue of accommodation of diversity in the wake of federation-building, and the relation between federalism and democracy, critical references are made to the relevant theoretical literature in order to point out federalism's new problematic and its pitfalls. With the Indian case as a major illustration, it is shown here that the institutional arrangements and governing practices have overwhelmingly been given priority to meet the claims of diversity to the relative neglect of equality-claims.