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1.
打造绿色石化园区是促进石化产业与生态环境协调发展的有效途径。目前大连石化园区的"绿色化"程度尚显不足,建议从实施"绿色化工"评价前置制度、拓展产业链、扩大循环圈、提升高新技术水平、推行"责任关怀"、加强环境监控和应急管理等方面入手,促进石化园区实现高产出、低消耗、低排放的绿色发展模式,为我市推进生态文明、建设"美丽大连"夯实基础。  相似文献   

2.
《大连干部学刊》2009,25(11):F0003-F0003
大连高新技术产业园区是国务院1991年3月首批批准的国家级高新技术产业园区之一,2008年被科技部评为“国家先进高新区”,是大连市高新技术产业基地、自主创新平台、  相似文献   

3.
随着江苏沿海地区发展上升为国家战略和长三角一体化发展战略的实施,江苏沿海地区迎来了难得的历史性机遇,也为产业园区的建设与发展提供广阔的空间。根据《江苏沿海地区发展规划》关于产业园区布局安排和建设要求,着力打造  相似文献   

4.
要闻简报     
《今日浙江》2011,(12):6-6
国务院批准绍兴高新技术产业园区升格为国家级 6月17日,绍兴高新技术产业开发区建设动员大会在绍兴隆重举行。绍兴高新技术产业园区经国务院批准升格为国家级高新区。这是我省继杭州、宁波之后由国务院批准的第3个国家级高新区。  相似文献   

5.
《当代广西》2010,(10):12-14
重点产业园区建设是北部湾经济区发展新的突破口,是作为当前和今后一段时期北部湾经济区开放开发工作的重点。《北部湾经济区重点产业园区布局规划》已经自治区政府专题会审议通过。目前,纳入规划的重点产业园区有29个,其中自治区重点支持的11个,各市重点推进的18个。  相似文献   

6.
海口国家高新技术产业开发区(下称“高新区”)是我省唯一的国家级高新技术产业开发区,也是海南自贸港11个重点园区中唯一涵盖“旅游业、现代服务业、高新技术产业”三大主导产业的园区。近年来,在高新区党工委和管委会的领导下,笔者带领团队开拓创新、拼搏进取,建立完善全流程服务机制,成功推动多项自贸港政策落地和复制推广,既提升了园区企业扎根自贸港发展的信心和底气,又为政策的试点试行积累了有益经验。  相似文献   

7.
城市主题产业园区是指具有一定规模和实力,代表一个城市产业形象的产业聚集区。城市主题产业园区的兴起和发展是过去30多年中国发展中一个引人瞩目的现象。全国各地各种类型的产业园区,不管是国家级的经济技术开发区、高新技术产业区、保税区和出口加工区,还是省市县的各类园区,甚至乡镇自办工业园区,皆为增加当地的工业产值和地区生产总值、税收和就业做出了重大贡献,亦为提升当地产业素质、产品档次和管理水平,扩大国际经济交流和合作,扮演了先锋角色。  相似文献   

8.
近日,静安区政协在上海市市北高新技术服务业园区探索设立“协商于民”政协委员工作站,围绕“区块链赋能园区发展”主题举行首场协商活动。在区域经济建设一线的产业园区探索设立“协商于民”政协委员工作站,目的是以“更专业赋能”推进园区高质量发展。这是静安区政协根据区情,在原有街镇、商务楼宇相关工作基础上的创新探索。  相似文献   

9.
《新东方》2019,(6)
开发园区是海南推进全岛自贸港建设的关键平台。在全球产业再次转移、国内深化改革的大背景下,推进岛内园区的创新发展有助于带动海南自贸区的高质量发展。岛内园区在人才、产业和管理上都存在转型发展制约,南京江宁园区的创新发展经验为海南园区提供了有益借鉴。江宁园区围绕着人才和科技两个工作重心,通过明确园区功能定位、深化园区改革创新促进园区转型升级。海南园区要推进创新发展需在夯实产业基础、增加人才汇聚上谋篇布局,加快立体交通建设便利岛内外交流、把握全球产业再转移契机夯实产业基础、提升园区配套增强人才汇聚能力、推进管理改革释放集聚优势是实现园区转型升级的关键。  相似文献   

10.
《江苏政协》2010,(12):15-16
加快培育和发展产业特色园区,已成为不少地方提升区域经济竞争力的重要途径。为加快大丰产业特色园区发展步伐,近日,大丰市政协围绕"加快发展产业特色园区,着力提升区域经济竞争力"进行了专题调研,提出意见和建议。一、大丰产业特色园区发  相似文献   

11.
近年来台湾高科技产业的发展遭遇困境,主要表现在新一代主导产业成长乏力、高科技产业竞争力下降、代工模式陷入僵局三方面。而这些表象的背后则是当局僵化的高科技产业政策、知识产权制度漏洞以及产业本身的结构性问题等内在制约因素。未来台湾高科技产业要想摆脱发展困境,必须调整发展策略与模式。  相似文献   

12.
作为香港社会治理主体之一,香港民间商会以其突显的社会治理功能,在维护市场秩序乃至社会秩序的正常运作中起到了积极的、不可或缺的作用,长期以来为香港的繁荣与稳定发展做出巨大的贡献。近年来,随着市场经济的发展以及行政体制改革的深入,毗邻香港的广东民间商会组织也出现了蓬勃发展之势。但是,与香港相比,广东民间商会在自治性、独立性与民间性等方面仍然滞后,在社会治理中的功能显现较为弱势,存在相应的缺失之处,仍需进一步地强化与完善。  相似文献   

13.
1842年,英人占据香港岛,香港始进入英治时期.此前,香港作为广东香山县所辖,侦查体制与我国大陆同级地方别无二致.自1842年首批美军进入香港,并在驻港部队选拔警察以期维护当地法律秩序开始,香港的刑事司法开始了近代化的步伐,由于港英的英美法属性,并无检察官之设置,侦查之事权由警察机关担当,随着近170年的发展,并逐渐形成了“香港特色”的警察侦查体制.  相似文献   

14.
香港社会中的民粹主义给香港政治社会发展带来很多消极影响,增加了特别行政区政府依法施政的难度,妨碍香港政治发展的进程,并引起香港一些居民与中央政府的对抗.香港社会中的民粹主义由民生等经济问题而引发,并因选举政治而加剧.消解民粹主义,需要香港社会权力体系和财产体系的分配应照顾各阶层的利益,必须保障草根阶层的基本权利;政府必须兼顾社会精英和普罗大众的利益,对两者的矛盾应加以调和,促成两者的妥协.  相似文献   

15.
China's policy toward Hong Kong in the period 1949-1997 was primarily driven by utilitarian calculations of national interests and the interests of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong policy of China, as an integral part of its foreign policy, was distinctive in that ideological fervor and nationalist passions had limited influence. The goals to be achieved by the Hong Kong policy remained unchanged throughout the period; the strategies adopted, however, changed in accordance with the changing international situation and the national interests as defined by the Chinese leaders. The primary goals of the Hong Kong policy were to secure a less threatening external political environment for China and to make calculated use of Hong Kong for China's economic development. By tolerating Hong Kong as a British colony, China also depended on Britain to control the potentially threatening anti-Communist Chinese population there. The 'over-dependence' on the British to control the Chinese people in Hong Kong on the eve of Hong Kong's reversion to China, however, alienated the Hong Kong people as well as impeded the formation of local political leaders in the territory. As a result, the acquisition of Hong Kong by China in 1997 has not been accompanied by political rapport between the Chinese government and the Hong Kong people, thus sowing seeds for lingering friction between them.  相似文献   

16.
The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDM) is a cross-border political interest group advocating for democratization in both mainland China and Hong Kong. It was involved in the bold rescue of mainland democrats out of the PRC shortly after the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown; it constantly exerts pressure on the PRC government to release its political prisoners; it has been influencing the Hong Kong government on the scope and pace of democratization; it communicates with and subsidizes overseas Chinese groups supportive of democratic reforms in China; it is persistently educating the younger generations of Hong Kong and most importantly mainland visitors to Hong Kong on the 1989 Tiananmen tragedy; and its supporters have attempted to cross the border of Hong Kong to Macao to influence the policy of the Chinese government toward political prisoners. As a political interest group based in Hong Kong with cross-border influences on both the mainland and Macao, the Alliance has been making full use of the available political space and freedom of assembly in Hong Kong to achieve their ultimate objective of having a ‘democratic China’. Its existence in the HKSAR is an indication of a certain degree of political tolerance by both the Hong Kong government and Beijing, which have to be very careful of the need to maintain an image of the feasible formula of ‘one country, two systems’ in Hong Kong.  相似文献   

17.
On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong was returned from British colonial rule to Chinese rule under the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The change in political status of Hong Kong has great impacts on the triangular relationship between Hong Kong, the mainland and Taiwan, in which the mainland and Taiwan are still in a state of intense political conflict and competition. This paper examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC in handling its relations with Taiwan. It argues that both Beijing and Taipei want to preserve the existing Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations for political and practical purposes but at the same time will try to avoid being forced into a suspected political trap—for Beijing the recognition of Taiwan as an independent political entity and for Taipei the subordination of Taiwan to PRC sovereignty. Between these two baselines, the paper points out that Hong Kong should pursues its own Taiwan policy built upon the interests of Hong Kong and depoliticization of Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations.  相似文献   

18.
新形势下,作为初级阶段的"一国两制"面临着日益复杂多变的国际背景,还有各种不稳定因素或突发事件,需要协调处理好各方面关系,在实践中不断摸索与完善。民主党派作为我国社会政治生活中的一支重要力量,应进一步发挥独特优势,做好"一国两制"条件下港澳统战工作,确保爱国、爱港、爱澳力量的优势地位,巩固香港、澳门以爱国者为主体的"港人治港"、"澳人治澳"的坚实社会基础。  相似文献   

19.
香港警察迄今已有164年的历史,主要的职责是维持香港成为世界上最安全及稳定的地区之一。香港警察的工作效率及专业表现一直备受市民推许,并且在履行国际警务责任方面也同样享誉世界。历史上香港情报部门的职能主要是反恐怖活动、反间谍及搜集有关国家驻港机构和有组织犯罪社团的情报资料等。现在香港警方的刑事情报机构是各级警务部门的"神经中枢",统筹和指导各总区、警区开展情报工作。  相似文献   

20.
发达地区产业竞争园区,欠发达地区园区竞争产业。欠发达地区的产业要素累积单薄,园区竞争产业处于不利境地,制度创新成为唯一出路。文章从企业的契约性质角度,讨论了园区产权创造的价值基础,提出了园区产权创造的制度条件,分析了园区产权经营的复杂性,探讨了园区产权效率经营的制度安排。为欠发达地区工业园区产权经营政策创新提供借签。  相似文献   

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