用绵羊测定副结核病弱毒菌苗免疫效力的研究

80只来自副结核病清净区的羔绵羊,随机地分为试验与对照两组,试验组接种副结核病弱毒菌苗,3个月后试验羊用4株初代分离培养的副结核菌口服攻毒,每周攻毒1次,连续攻毒10次,每次每只羊攻毒活菌6亿。攻毒结束后3、6、9、12个月分期剖杀试验羊,采取小肠、肠系膜淋巴结等病料进行细菌学和病理组织学检查,以判断副结核病弱毒菌苗的免疫效力。攻毒后3～6个月剖杀的试验羊,试验组与对照组的细菌学和病理组织学检查,差异不显著(P>0.05);攻毒后9～12个月剖杀的试验羊,试验组与对照组的细菌学和病理组织学检查,具有明显的差异(P<0.05)。试验结果表明,副结核病弱毒菌苗具有提高机体对副结核病免疫力的作用。     

牛布氏杆菌和副结核分枝杆菌双重PCR检测方法的建立

为快速检测牛布氏杆菌和副结核分枝杆菌,根据GenBank中的布氏杆菌OMP31基因序列(JF918757)及副结核分枝杆菌ISMav2基因序列(AF286339)设计、合成2对特异性引物,通过对PCR条件的优化,建立了快速鉴别检测牛布氏杆菌和副结核分枝杆菌的双重PCR方法。经对建立的方法进行特异性和敏感性试验,结果表明,分别扩增出602、246bp的特异性牛布氏杆菌和副结核分枝杆菌DNA目的条带,作为对照的双芽巴贝斯虫、大肠杆菌、沙门氏菌、弓形虫、链球菌、牛放线菌的DNA及其混合物均未扩增出任何条带。牛布氏杆菌与副结核分枝杆菌的最低检测限分别为1.92和2.51pg;牛肉样品中人工污染的牛布氏杆菌和副结核分枝杆菌的检测敏感性分别为6×104和7×104 CFU/mL。该双病原检测体系的成功建立为牛布氏杆菌病及副结核病的检测、鉴定和流行病学调查提供了有力的技术支持。     

羊驼副性腺结构的组织化学研究

为了解羊驼的生殖生理特性,采用大体解剖与组织学方法对羊驼副性腺的形态结构进行了研究。结果显示,羊驼副性腺有前列腺和尿道球腺,没有精囊腺。尿道球腺呈圆形,位于坐骨弓处,前列腺位于尿生殖道起始部的背侧,每一腺体都有腺管开口于尿生殖道;羊驼副性腺的基本组织结构和其他哺乳动物相似,但有较小的差异。尿道球腺为有许多弯曲分枝的复管泡状腺,分泌物较为黏稠,PAS染色强阳性,呈鲜红色;前列腺为复管泡状腺,前列腺的分泌物是一种稀薄的蛋白样液,PAS染色阳性,染色较浅。结果证实,羊驼前列腺和尿道球腺可分泌较多的糖物质,使精子生存较长时间;羊驼繁殖慢的特点可能与其生存环境差,易造成流产或妊娠期长且为单胎有关,而并不是精液本身的问题。     

免疫金层析技术快速检测副溶血弧菌方法的初步研究

应用兔抗副溶血弧菌IgG-2包被硝酸纤维素膜检测线,山羊抗兔IgG包被对照线,胶体金标记兔抗副溶血弧菌IgG-1制成检测试纸条,建立了检测副溶血弧菌的免疫金层析试纸条法(IGCA)。结果显示,阳性者试纸条检测线和对照线均出现红色线,试验过程仅需5～15min即可判断结果,该法对副溶血弧菌的最低检测量为3.592×104 CFU/mL,与溶藻弧菌、霍乱弧菌、美人鱼弧菌、麦氏弧菌、弗氏枸橼酸杆菌和沙门氏菌等常见肠道菌不发生交叉反应。将试纸条4℃存放6个月,常温存放3个月,37℃存放1个月,检测结果无差异。结果表明,建立的试纸条检测方法操作简便快速、灵敏度高、特异性强和稳定性好,非常适于基层养殖部门应用。     

骆驼斯氏副柔线虫病传播媒介的筛选与确定

对从内蒙古骆驼生活环境中采集到的24种蝇进行普通生物学剖检,并进一步用斯氏副柔线虫特异性引物ST1、ST2对蝇体内检获的幼虫进行分子生物学鉴定,以筛选与确定骆驼斯氏副柔线虫病的传播媒介。结果显示,在西方角蝇和截脉角蝇体内均发现了疑似斯氏副柔线虫幼虫,感染强度为1～22条/个,雌蝇与雄蝇感染强度差异不显著;幼虫长度为1.033～1.934mm;雄蝇的感染率为43.8%～48.0%,雌蝇的感染率为35.7%～46.2%。扩增得到的部分ITS序列(包括5.8S)与GenBank中登录的斯氏副柔线虫ITS序列同源性高达99.3%。基本确定了西方角蝇和截脉角蝇为斯氏副柔线虫病的传播媒介。     

编码中国大陆株日本血吸虫副肌球蛋白C端蛋白基因的克隆和表达

应用聚合酶链反应（ＰＣＲ）从中国大陆株日本血吸虫成虫ｃＤＮＡ文库中扩增到一编码血吸虫副肌球蛋白Ｃ端蛋白的ＤＮＡ克隆，并把该ＤＮＡ进一步亚克隆到ｐＴｒｃＨｉｓＡ载体上进行表达。表达产物的分子量为３３ｋｕ，它和纯化的中国大陆株日本血吸虫成虫副肌球蛋白一样，都能被抗曼氏血吸虫副肌球蛋白的单克隆抗体所识别。说明该重组抗原具有血吸虫副肌球蛋白的抗原性，可被进一步应用于血吸虫病的免疫试验     

F-Ⅶ型鹅源禽副黏病毒的分离及其特性研究

从辽宁省某鹅场雏鹅体内分离到 1株副黏病毒 ,该分离毒株具有血凝活性且血凝活性能被NDV标准阳性血清和鹅副黏病毒阳性血清所抑制 ,能使SPF鸡胚、非免疫鸭胚和鹅胚 10 0 %死亡 ;电镜观察见病毒颗粒呈多形性 ,多为圆形 ,有囊膜 ,直径 2 0 0nm左右 ;ELD50 为 10 8.6 /mL ,MDT为 5 6h ,ICPI为 1.94。通过RT PCR扩增出F基因 ,鉴定为基因Ⅶ型强毒株 ,测序结果为HBS2 0 9,与CH2 0 0 0的同源率为 91.8% ,从而确定分离毒株属于禽副黏病毒Ⅰ型 (APMV Ⅰ )的基因变异强毒株。动物接种试验表明 ,该毒株对鸭无致病性 ,对鹅、鸡、鸽的致病率和致死率均达10 0 %。     

新疆小尾寒羊副结核病部分血液学指标检测

对某小尾寒羊羊场通过副结核病检疫选取典型副结核病和健康羊各10只分别采血,进行血红蛋白含量,红细胞计数和白细胞分类测定;同时测定血清钙、磷和碱性磷酸酶的活性.结果,试验组病羊血红蛋白含量、红细胞数、血清钙均低于健康羊对照组;淋巴细胞、单核细胞数及血清磷和碱性磷酸酶活性均高于健康羊组.     

副猪嗜血杆菌抗体间接ELISA检测方法的建立与应用

采用超声裂解的副猪嗜血杆菌菌体上清作为包被抗原,建立了检测副猪嗜血杆菌抗体的间接ELISA方法.通过对试验条件进行筛选优化,确定了最佳反应条件:抗原包被浓度80μg/mL;37℃作用2 h后4℃过夜包被,待检血清的稀释度为1:320,抗原抗体反应时间为1 h,酶标二抗稀释度为1:15 000,作用时间为1 h,底物显色时间为15 min.待检血清S/N值≥2.5时判为阳性,S/N值<2.5时判为阴性.特异性、重复性和敏感性试验以及对200份送检血清的检测结果表明,建立的间接ELISA方法的特异性和重复性良好,敏感性比间接血凝试验高,可用于副猪嗜血杆菌的检疫和流行病学调查.     

副鸡嗜血杆菌基因文库的构建与筛选

为了筛选副鸡嗜血杆菌的体内表达基因,提取了副鸡嗜血杆菌的全基因组,构建了副鸡嗜血杆菌基因组的pET系统表达文库。运用PCR及核酸内切酶(SalⅠ+NdeⅠ)鉴定基因文库,并以病原菌吸附后的康复血清作为探针,采用菌落原位杂交的方法对基因文库进行筛选。结果显示,重组质粒中有0.5～2kb的片段插入,99%的基因包含在基因文库中;重复筛选后得到的阳性克隆再经过PCR与SalⅠ+NdeⅠ酶切鉴定后定向测序,并对测序结果在NCBI上进行分析后发现筛选获得的基因中,有1个表达为转运谷氨酰还原酶、1个表达为转录终止因子,1个表达为荚膜合成域2,还有2个表达为保守假想蛋白。结果表明,本研究应用体内诱导抗原技术(IVIAT)筛选到了一些副鸡嗜血杆菌体内诱导表达基因,并对基因的功能做了初步探讨,在找寻副鸡嗜血杆菌在体内生存以及致病关键基因的道路上前进了一步,为传染性鼻炎的预防和治疗积累了有价值的资料。     

从“东进战略”的实施看印度的东亚合作政策

伴随冷战后对外战略的调整,印度开始一改往日囿于南亚、困于中巴、局限印度洋的状况,在积极发展同美、俄等西方大国关系的同时,致力于实施以东盟为突破口的“东进战略”,并因此成为东亚合作进程中一个日趋重要的域外因素。但是,“东进战略”的实施不可能一直一帆风顺,印度国内问题和印巴危机、印度的大国构想与东南亚国家“平衡外交”策略的冲突、中美日等亚太大国在东南亚的竞争等因素都有可能使其“东进战略”的进一步实施受到制约。印度要想与东亚国家在更大规模和更深层次上开展合作,未来仍将面临诸多困难。     

Regionalism in Asia as Disguised Multilateralism: A Critical Analysis of the East Asia Summit and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Revolving around the concept of ‘Community’ or ‘community’, debate on an Asian region has ostensibly pitted those who proposed an entity limited to East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea and the ten countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN) against those who proposed a much wider region embracing India, North (and, perhaps, South) America, as well as Australasia. Previously these two conceptualisations possessed their eponymous translation in the East Asian Economic Caucus (reincarnated as ASEAN+3) and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. However, with the creation in 2005 of the East Asian Summit to include India, Australia and New Zealand and, above all, its 2011 enlargement to include the United States and Russia, the contrast between the two conceptualisations of an Asian region has become confused. In order to explain this development, this article suggests that the language of ‘region’ or ‘community’ is a discursive smokescreen disguising changes in approaches to multilateralism. An examination of the East Asia Summit, contrasting it with another recent regional project, the Trans Pacific Partnership, suggests that the actors involved are seeking to ensure the primacy of individual nation states in intergovernmental multilateral relations.     

“东向行动”下印越合作新发展及其对华影响

2014年印度总理莫迪当选后将“东向”政策升级为“东向行动”政策,期望凭借印度在南亚次大陆的地缘优势,寻求南亚霸权的同时,向东扩展自己的战略利益。基于地缘政治和区域战略的需要,越南成为莫迪政府的“东向行动”政策的重要战略支持,两国不断推进多渠道的联系与交往,并逐步发展成为全面战略伙伴关系,在双边和多边层次上加强政治、军事、安全、经济等多方面的合作。尽管印越两国合作是基于战略和安全的现实需要,但由于两国均为中国邻国,且当前两国仍与中国存在着领土争端,因此在战略上相互借力,平衡中国在区域内的影响就成为两国发展伙伴关系的重要目标,印越两国在各领域的合作也在一定程度上对我国的周边安全环境造成了影响。     

India-ASEAN Relations from the Indo-Pacific Perspective

India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are important geopolitical actors in the Indo-Pacific, and their relations bear on the Indo-Pacific concept's richness in connotations. After the end of the Cold War, India introduced the "Look East" policy and made significant progress in its relations with ASEAN. As the idea of Indo-Pacific emerges, India has also claimed to safeguard the regional centrality of ASEAN.     

印度对南海争端的介入及其影响评估

冷战后,随着国际格局的调整,印度在对外战略上实行了＂东进＂政策,试图通过发展与东南亚国家的经济、军事安全等方面的合作,为其大国理想的实现奠定基础。在＂东进＂政策下,印度逐渐以联合军演、出售武器等方式介入到南海争端中,给本来就复杂的南海争端增添了变数。本文对印度介入南海争端的原因、手段做探索研究,并对其影响做出评估,以期为我国的南海争端对策提供参考。     

印度曼尼普尔邦的民族社会问题探析

曼尼普尔邦位于印度东北部，民族社会问题突出，主要表现在四个方面：族际矛盾与冲突，分离主义运动，妇女儿童境遇，毒品与艾滋病问题。这些问题危害着普通百姓的生产生活，挑战着政府的治理和国家完整性，损害着印度的人权和民主形象，制约着曼尼普尔邦的社会经济发展，成为久治不去的社会顽疾。从目前情况来看，曼尼普尔邦的民族社会问题由于彼此交织、错综复杂，很难在短期内得到解决。     

India's look east policy: an Asianist strategy in perspective

Indian nationalist leaders developed a strong interest in Asia right from the early nineteenth century. Jawarharlal Nehru articulated an Asianist ideology based on the cultural affinities between India and China and the geopolitical interest in Greater India. This approach, which culminated in the Bandung summit, was put into parenthesis after the 1962 war. The Cold War, during which India and South East Asia were in different camps, prompted differing paths towards in emulating the economic progress of Japan, Taiwan and South Korea, and different approaches towards the development of the ASEAN. India's Asianist policy met an uneven fate but, by and large, there has been a significant rapprochement between India and East Asia. This move materialized in the investments of several Asian countries – including South Korea – in India and the entry of India in the ARF. Yet the symbiosis between India and Southeast Asia remains hindered by the rather nationalistic view of the latter region that the Hindutva movement is still propagating: like in the colonial period, Asianism remains part of an instrumentalist strategy.     

Global interactions of China and India: Divergent paths of trade?

This article explores the global positions of China and India in merchandise trade. It first compares the integration models of China and India and, thereafter, examines the core factors that drive their trading relationships. With respect to their global trading partners, there are considerable differences in the influence of economic drivers of trade for China and India. Combined larger markets, similar consumer preferences, similar factor endowments and linguistic links enhance global exports from China. Alternatively, smaller market size, discrepancy in consumer demands, dissimilar factor endowments and combined stocks of foreign direct investments drive India’s global trade. The findings suggest that differences in the structure and demand of China vis-a-vis India dictate the divergence in the profile of their trade determinants. Such divergence in trade drivers, however, dissipates when taking into account Chinese and Indian partnerships on a regional basis – with East Asia, Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Latin America, European Union (EU), and Africa.     

India Steps Up Its Eastward Strategy

India has emerged in recent years as one of the fastest growing economies among developing countries. It has achieved its main targets in the first phase of its Look East Policy in which it aims to play a pre-eminent role in the East and Southeast Asian regions. What are the implications of this strategic expansion for its national strategy？ How will it affect other countries？ How does it impact on Chinese policy？ These questions are worth consideration.     

Towards an Asian security-community

The title of this paper indicates that the subject matter involves a process. It is a gradual process, step by step , since there are still many constraints: the complete normalization between China and Japan; the acceptance of the US, openly or tacit; and ASEAN's credibility, which will depend on the efforts to build the ASEAN Community. The process probably involves more than only East Asia in the geographical sense, because it would be sensible to include India, Australia and New Zealand as well. An Asian Security Community appears premature. But an extended East Asian community, which has a security component, could be a possibility. How this will unfold further will depend on how successful this regional process will be. East Asia cannot emulate the EU because it is a more diverse region than Europe, but East Asia can learn from the EU.