Is China Threat a Hoax？

The Beijing Olympics has focused unprecedented worm attention on China this year. Many people hail the Games as an occasion that showcases China＇s growing contribution to world development and harmony. But intent on politicizing this global event, a few modern Cassandras still cling to the flawed China Threat theory. In this paper, the author traces the origins of this fallacious theory. He sees it as a product of Western empiricism viewed through an historical and philosophical prism. He argues that the assertion of threat arises from a generalization of historical facts. The assertion links China＇s growing clout with declining Western dominance in international affairs. Starting with the myth that peace is possible only among democracies, the theory predicts the inevitability of conflict between the West and China, a country with an alleged expansionist tradition and under an authoritarian system.     

Contemporary American Chinese Studies

The rise of modern American scholarship on China was largely attributed to the establishment of the American Joint Committee on Contemporary China （JCCC） in 1959 which sponsored all kinds of activities to promote Chinese studies, ranging from institutional support and financial resources to training courses. Since then, American study of China has entered into a period of sustainability that features academic and group-oriented research. It has become a mainstream discipline in American social science studies. There are some distinctive differences between early sinology and modern Chinese Studies： the latter is much more concentrated on the study of issues, comparative historical studies, and contemporary Chinese society. American Chinese studies stresses empirical research, textual data, and the application of theory to practice.     

Evolution of the U.S. Strategy toward China and China’s Peaceful Development

China-U.S. relationship is the most important one between two big powers in the world today. It is both bilateral and global by nature. How to handle this relationship is closely linked with the fundamental interests of the U.S. and China, as well as peace and stability in the Asia Pacific region and even in the world. So, a profound examination of the nature of U.S. strategy toward China and its evolution over the years will help to fully understand the opportunities and challenges China will meet in the course of peaceful development.     

The Clash in Public Opinion between Europe and China： What, How and Why

Recent years have seen a tension between Europe and China in public opinion, which began in 2006 and climaxed in 2008 when the Tibet riots and the Beijing Olympics put China under the global spotlight. Europeans and Chinese view each other more negatively than in ＂the good old days＂ and there is a growing perception gap regarding the Chinese government. The media （including the Internet） and public opinion leaders （scholars, human rights activists, dissidents, politicians and diplomats） have played a part in causing this both in Europe and in China, and this paper examines their roles. This paper also identifies three reasons behind the clash of viewpoints： First, lack of common values has exacerbated Europe＇s fear of a rising China; second, both Europe and China use this hostility to help redefine their self-identity; third, different development needs in China and Europe have nurtured very different mindsets. In the future, the European public＇s interest in China will continue to grow and Europe＇s and China＇s perceptions of each other will gradually stabilize. In the long run, whether Europe will accept a rising China depends on China＇s ability to develop a ＂Chinese thinking＂ which suits both China＇s and the world＇s development needs.     

Thinking on the Theory of "China’s Century"

As China’s economy and global influence increase,its international relations are quickly changing.As more credence is given to predictions of a"China Century"to follow the"American Century,"interest is also increasing in the adjustments China is making to its strategic diplomacy as it prepares to take the first chair from the United States.The conceptual innovation in China’s diplomacy in 2014 is a significant harbinger in the eyes of many as to how this China Century will shape up.While China’s new diplomacy is praised,opinion differs on its future intentions.After a series of proposals were put forward at summit meetings of CICA(Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in     

Editor＇s Note：

Some American scholars claim that the rise of China is bound to trigger off a fierce security competition with America. The argument that China and America are destined to become strategic adversaries is called into question by Mr. Ma Zhengang, former Chinese Ambassador to the UK. In his paper entitled Analysis of ＂China-U.S. Strategic Competition＂ Theory that he contributed to this issue, he argues that China and America are both great nations.     

U.S. and East Asian Integration

the U.S. is directly impacting on the future of the East Asian community. Therefore, finding ways to get along with the U.S. is crucial to the speed, direction, configuration and character of the East Asian community. In this paper, the author has analyzed the interests of the United States in East Asia and its stands towards the East Asian integration. The author concludes that it is to the interest of the United States to make more efforts to further join in the East Asian integration. And East Asia should accept and welcome the American participation.     

China＇s Engagement in African Security Cooperation： Evolution and Prospects

Although China began to engage in military cooperation with Africa quite soon after the founding of the People＇s Republic in 1949, there are as yet few articles on Sino-African security cooperation. Now, with a much closer security relationship between China and Africa, there is a need for more study of this issue. This article gives some idea of the evolution of Chinese engagement in African security cooperation and examines new opportunities for, and challenges to, a more active Chinese engagement in Africa in this domain.     

The Time and Space of IR Theory

Contrary to the common belief that IR theory is static and unique, the author thinks that IR theory is organic and can grow, a phenomenon the author calls the ＂time dimension.＂ As IR theories are adopted according to the unique conditions of each country, IR theory ought to be considered a cluster of theories rather than a single theory： this the author calls the ＂space dimension.＂ Based on these thoughts, the author gives his view on what theory works best for China.     

Yin-Yang Theory and Chinese Geomancy

For several decades, diverse IR theories in China have been following the trails of western scholars, which are lacking distinctive Chinese characteristics and might not be a good fit for oriental culture in general. So, this paper offers some analyses based on a study of the Zhouyi or I Ching, the ＂Book of Changes＂, combined with some related ideas in Chinese geomancy, Fengshui. The author seek to develop a new interdisciplinary analytical method on a theoretical base he calls Trigram Combinations and Permutations （TCP）, which may explain how diverse international issues come into being and suggest an ideal structure as a stable basis for sustainable development in international relations from the perspective of Chinese traditional philosophy and the interaction between Yin and Yang.     

论冷战时期美国的南中国海政策

冷战期间,南中国海地区成为两大阵营、美苏争霸的主要场所之一,也是美国对苏、对华遏制的重点地域之一。南中国海争端虽然凸显于20世纪70年代,但在50年代就已出现,因而美国在南中国海地区的遏制战略就不可避免地要与南中国海主权问题联系在一起,这是美国逐渐形成对南中国海主权争端的立场、政策的起点和基础。本文拟对冷战时期美国对南中国海争端的立场和政策作一探讨,以期更深入地认识冷战后美国大力介入南中国海争端的深层战略考虑。     

美国政治极化与对华政策的极端化

美国总统特朗普执政以来,美国两党的斗争异常激烈,政治极化程度之深为近几十年来所罕见,有学者甚至称其为"超级极化"。面对政治极化及其背后的深层问题,美国总统特朗普为巩固执政权威、两党政客为解决国内经济问题,都将对华强硬作为优先事项。美国部分学术界精英等提出为了凝聚人心和强化国家认同,呼吁与中国开展新冷战。这股强大的力量与中美两国结构性矛盾趋于尖锐一起,共同推动了美国对华政策的极端化。但与中国对抗无法缓解美国激烈的党争,难以改善其国内的不平等问题,也解决不了美国国家认同面临的长期挑战。美国要走出政治极化,需要共和党或民主党通过选民重组获得对另一方的压倒性优势,从而长期主导政治议程。未来美国的党争还会非常激烈,但不管其国内政治如何演进,美国对华强硬的趋势都很难改变。     

Benjamin Franklin and the Traditions of American Diplomacy

Every generation forgets Benjamin Franklin's diplomatic contributions to its peril, the author writes. He outlines this American in Paris’ major diplomatic achievements and offers important lessons for today.     

韩国疏美亲中现象剖析

以2002年11月驻韩美军装甲车轧死两名女中学生事件为导火索,韩国国内出现了强烈的反美情绪,接着发生的蜡灯示威,引起“韩美同盟危机论”,形成强烈的以驻韩美军为中心的“反美舆论”。与此同时,伴随着中国的崛起和飞速前进的中韩关系的发展,在韩国社会及政治外交领域出现了要求以中韩亲近替换韩美同盟的呼声。其原因主要有国际政治格局的变动、国内政治的需求、驻韩美军调整问题、韩日关系的恶化以及中韩关系的崛起等五个方面。面对这种现象,我国应该审时度势稳妥推进。     

中国与东亚互动的政治经济分析

自改革开放以来，中国开始推行融人世界的国际战略。在此期间，中国与东亚地区其他国家之间的互动也渐趋形成，并逐步走向成熟。中国与东亚近邻的互动包含政治、经济、安全等多个层面的内容，且这些方面往往彼此交织在一起。因而，仅仅从单一角度出发对中国与东亚之间的互动进行解析，难免有所偏颇。基于此原因，本文试从政治与经济相互作用的理论视角出发，对中国与东亚互动的缘起、运行等问题进行简要的探讨。     

中国与新加坡个人所得税制度的比较与借鉴

文章在纳税人居民与非居民身份的判定标准、税制模式、征税对象、费用扣除、税率的比较等方面对中国与新加坡个人所得税制度进行比较和分析,指出新加坡个人所得税制度的优点对我国的借鉴和启示。     

对中国参与南亚区域合作相关问题的思考

本文分析了中国参与南亚区域合作的重大战略利益,这是中国应当积极参与南亚区域合作的动因所在。分析了中国扩展参与南亚区域合作的时机和应当注意的问题,提出了作者的看法。     

美国因素对中国与东盟关系的影响

本文从历史与现实的角度考察了美国因素对中国与东盟关系的影响。本文认为,中国一东盟关系的演变与美国东亚政策的调整、中美关系的好坏有着密切联系。美国因素在中国- 东盟关系中既可能起积极作用,也可能起消极作用。在现阶段,美国因素对中国-东盟关系的负面影响程度将取决于这样几个方面:中美关系如何发展、东盟及东亚一体化进展如何、中国与东盟互信程度。     

中国在东南亚的软实力和中美关系

软实力在国家的对外关系中的作用越来越引起人们的重视。中国在东南亚的影响力的上升在美国的舆论界和学术界引起了警觉,认为中国要超越甚至排挤美国在该地区的影响。作者考察了中国在东南亚的实际影响,实事求是地分析了中国影响上升的原因,并指出了这种影响的局限性。最后呼吁,为了本地区的和平、稳定与繁荣,中美两国应该和平共处,合作共赢,良性竞争。