The Resurgence of Chinese Anti-Americanism in the 1990s： State Policy or Popular Expression？

While Western observers typically attribute the population＇s nationalist anti-Americanism largely to government propaganda or manipulation, they misunderstand the roots of anti-American behavior in China. As depicted by Peter Hay Gries in China＇s New Nationalism and by Michael H. Hunt in The Genesis of China＇s Foreign Policy, a more nuanced portrayal is in order. While the two books utilize distinct socialpsychological and historical perspectives, an integrative reading of the two suggests that popular expression is in fact largely responsible for China＇s anti-Americanism. At first this conclusion in favor of popular expression may seem at odds with Hunt＇s state-centered analysis of the roots of foreign policy. Nevertheless, after a brief summary of each book and a comparative application to the issue of anti-Americanism, the authors demonstrate that applying a comparative historical reappraisal to Hunt＇s study suggests that both scholarly works support the predominant role of popular expression on contemporary China＇s nationalist anti- Americanism.     

Analysis of ＂China-U.S. Strategic Competition＂ Theory

In his article entitled “Big Trouble Brewing in the Hood” published at online Sydney Morning Herald on August 3, 2010, Professor John Mearsheimer at the University of Chicago claimed that “the balance of power in Asia is expected to change significantly in the next few decades, as China increases its military capabilities”, and “China＇s rise is likely to spark an intense security competition with the U.S.”. He then made a provocative speech on “The Gathering Storm： China＇s Challenge to U.S. Power in Asia” at the Sydney University. When interviewing with an Australian news agency,     

Scientific Outlook on Development and China＇s Foreign Policy

More than half a century has passed since the founding of the People＇s Republic of China. There have been successes as well as failures in China＇s policies and practices at home and abroad. The failures are stepping stones for success; lessons drawn from errors lead to truth. Chinese leader Hu Jintao recently spoke about ＂Scientific Outlook on Development, ＂＇ a summary of past history and an important guiding principle for China＇s economic and social development both now and in future. The authors believe that this is a major development in China＇s strategic thinking following Deng Xiaoping＇s ＂Reform and Opening Up＂ and Jiang Zemin＇s ＂Three Representatives＂ and that it should be upheld and applied to foreign policy decision making.     

＂Deindustrialization＂ and Sino-Brazilian Ties

After the global financial crisis broke out in 2008, major industrial economies became concerned about delndustrlahzation . The important roles that the industrial sector plays in creating jobs and ensuring intemational competitiveness began to be recognized again. The U.S. launched its policy of ＂re-industrialization＂ and Brazil published a plan to develop its industrial sector between 2011 and 2014. China＇s industrial sector has rapidly developed. ＂Deindustrialization＂ sparked widespread concern because it is connected with the global distribution of technological capability and the future global economic order. It is noteworthy that the U.S., Brazil and some other major economies partly blamed China for the problems that ＂deindustrialization＂ has caused and this has had an increasing effect on China＇ s relations with these countries. It reflects China＇ s problem as a new manufacturing power. In this article, the author analyzes those political and economic factors associated with ＂deindustrialization＂ and makes some suggestions for the Sino-Brazilian strategic partnership. In this way, the author explores some ideas on establishing a new type of big power relations.     

China's Grand Strategy Seen from the Report to the CPC 18th National Congress

Clash of Opinions
Opinions vary over the question： ＂Does Beijing have a strategy. Both affirmative and negative answers have been heard. Witness the arguments for and against. The pros point to Mao Zedong＇s Ping-Pong diplomacy that shook the world by moving a big ball with a small one; Deng Xiaoping＇s Theory on reform and opening up, as well as his Three-Stage Development Strategy; and China＇s adherence to the path of peaceful development. Any one of these can be regarded as a grand strategy. On the con side, however, comes this sarcastic retort.＇ Just look at how the Middle Kingdom is kept constantly on the run responding to emergencies in foreign affairs without any internal coordination to speak of or any systemic approach to turn to. Is this not an eloquent testimony to the lack of a grand strategy？ Echoing this view, the former Australian prime minister, Kevin Rudd, in his recent article,     

The Role of Africa in China＇s Rise

Africa plays an important role in China＇s rise. Sino-African ties bolsters up Chinese influence. African enthusiasm for taking a leaf from China＇s experience to shake off poverty has boosted China＇s soft power. Africa defends China as a responsible partner against Western slander of practicing neocolonialism. Africa provides China with the driving force for sustainable development. Africa supports China＇s national unification and demonstrates political solidarity with China. In recent years Africa＇s success in enhancing collective strength through deepening solidarity has won admiration and respect. Its strategic status is on a steady rise. It is our sincere hope that Africa will walk on the road of prosperity as soon as possible.     

On China＇s Military Transparency

For many years, major Western countries have all along held that the rapid increase of its comprehensive national strength offers china an opportunity ＂to make the country rich and the army strong＂. In their eyes, in the late 1990s, China＇s military expenditure kept growing by two-digit percentage, the orientation of China＇s military modernization was not clear, and China＇s intention in national defense, the scope and composition of its army, the use of military expenditure and military deployments all remained in a ＂non-transparent＂ status. They asserted that all this had constituted challenges and threat to the surrounding countries. In raising the issue of China＇s military transparency, these countries did not refer to bilateral or multilateral issues, but mostly requested China to become unilaterally and all-dimensionally transparent in military affairs. They are publicizing China＇s military transparency either out of their belated knowledge, or lack of trust in China, or for paving the way for concocting the ＂China threat＂ theory.     

Strategic Risks and Japanese Right Wing Must Not Be Underestimated

the majority of the people from the Asia Pacific, especially those from China, South Korea and North Korea that were badly hurt by Japanese militarism, have been filled with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited righteous indignation when Japanese the Yasukuni Shrine on December 26, 2013 and with the resurgence of the Japanese Right Wing. However, many of these people do not take these developments seriously. They see Abe as someone with few supporters and Japan＇s Right Wing as having little power. Further, Japan＇s military might is now much weaker than the ＂militarist era＂ before the Second World War. Thus, they do not think that Abe and the Right Wing can do much harm today. They underestimate the risk that their actions pose to Asia-Pacific peace. They are not correct and this thinking can also be dangerous. They lack a deeper understanding of Japan＇s special political and social structure, their historical, cultural and strategic traditions, as well as their unique national disposition--such as lower levels effecting a fait accompli, daring to take risks, a tendency to attack and cruel belligerence.     

Getting China Right： The Chinese World Order and Asia-Pacific Regional Integration

Is a rising China good for the stability and integration of the Asia-Pacific region？ The dominant point of view in the Western world is a resounding no. However, that realist point of view, based on the very different experiences of Europe, is not appropriate in the Asia-Pacific context. Area studies are a useful tool to achieve a better understanding of the Asia-Pacific situation. This paper attempts to prove that a rising China will be good for the stability and integration of the Asia-Pacific region through the lens of historical, economic and security analyses. First, history shows that once China is strong and stable, order of the Asia-Pacific region is preserved. Second, with China＇s economic cooperation with neighboring countries, especially after its entry into the World Trade Organization （WTO）, China＇s economic integration with the Asia-Pacific region has been enhanced. Third, regional security has been assured by a peaceful and strong China. Finally, the paper comes to the conclusion that a stable and strong China is beneficial for the overall stability and integration of the Asia-Pacific region.     

China''s Military Diplomacy

Since the end of the Cold War, China＇s military diplomacy has displayed an omni-directional and multi-level form, and with an increasing transparency which has increased trust and reduced doubt. China has enhanced its conventional military functions and strengthened its military soft power. This has helped China develop into a responsible state on the world stage. Through military exchanges with other countries, the Chinese military has gradually strengthened its ability to undertake a variety of tasks. The Chinese military has to make greater efforts to counter the perception of a ＂China threat.＂ There is also a need to establish a system of military spokesmen and to develop a theory of military diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.     

Spatial Economic Hubs and State Power

The paper seeks to analyze the rise of state power in the light of spatial economic shifts and examines the historical context of China＇s rise and challenges facing it. In world history, only countries that were spatial economic hubs have been able to enjoy prosperity over centuries. China is not yet such a country, despite its persistent efforts. Nor is China likely to become an economic hub in the foreseeable future. China is under mounting pressure from new economic demands posed by shifts in the geo-economic status of the U.S.. The fact that the global economy thrives along coastlines also causes problems for China, a country with a long coastline and a vast hinterland, creating rifts between northern and southern China, central and local governments, and different provinces. All these factors might well hinder China＇s development in the future.     

Why Is the Abe Government so Anxious to Improve Relations with China？-Why Is Shinzo Abe so Eager to Improve Relations with China？

Editor＇s Note： Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been ＂desperately struggling＂ with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an ＂encircling network＂ against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world＇s second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government＇s shift in attitude towards China from ＂hard＂ to a new ＂moderate＂ position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask：     

The U.S. Decline Debate and Its Impact

The possibility that the U.S. is in decline has renewed concerns over the international strategic situation and the global order. The World Bank＇ s International Comparison Program （ICP） released data in April 2014 that suggested China＇ s economy could overtake that of the U.S. as soon as the end of this year （based on purchasing power parity or PPP which takes into account the relative costs of goods and services and inflation rates）. Their figures showed that the size of China＇ s economy was 87% of the U.S.＇ in 2011-that is 15% bigger than previously estimated. China＇ s economy is thought to have grown roughly 24% since 2011, while the U.S. economy is expected to have grown less than 8% .2 The possibility that the U.S. economy is in decline has worried both the public and scholars, and has sparked a new round of lively debate on the future of the international strategic situation.     

Common Economic Development Remains the Principal Driving Force in the Region

Security issues have become the focus of U.S. scholars and politicians examining the recent changes to China＇s periphery strategy. This includes such issues as territorial and maritime disputes, changes to ally networks brought about by the U.S.＇ return to the Asia-Pacific, and certain major changes to national security policies. While these security issues are urgent, development is still key for China＇s neighbors. They view this issue from a broader strategic perspective and against a long-term historical perspective. This has had a direct and profound effect on the evolution of China＇s periphery security environment.     

英文摘要

Maritime Security in the Indian Ocean and China＇s Strategy Shi Chunlin The maritime routes of the Indian Ocean are of critical importance to China given perceived seurity threat in this region and China＇s increasing relevance of intersts. There comes to be a strategic imperative for China to step in efforts to gain a credible security reassurance in terms of substantial China＇s overseas energy shipments and its increasing sense of insecurity caused by the emerging conflict of interests with other powers. The author believes that China would have a better capacity to cope with any potential crisis or emergencies given defining its proactive countermeasures and taking calibrated but result--oriented operation.     

SUMMARY

Zhang Shengfa The Issue of Russian history textbook is a chronic disease in Russian society. During the first two terms of president, Putin has repeatedly intervened history textbook issue, but failed to produce the result that he hoped. Since the third term, president Putin did it again. Putin said that Russia should com- pile a unified history textbook. He suggests that the unified textbook should has common points of historical e- vents but it can has different evaluation on specific historical events. Russia＇ s government and United Russia immediate responded to Putin＇ s words while the public made a different reaction. The aim of Putin＇ s sugges- tion is not only to unify Russian history textbooks, but also to form national ideology and unify Russian thought.     

An Analysis of China's Power Status and International Standing

Many Chinese scholars have described China as the world＇s second biggest power after the U.S.. This is based on two facts. First, China overtook Japan in total economic output measured by GDP in 2010 to become the world＇s second biggest economy. Some scholars argue that China still lags behind the U.S. in comprehensive national power and in this sense it is also ranked second） The other is that Sino-U.S. relations are frequently described as the rise and fall of big powers, especially when referring to the Asia-Pacific region. It is the latest example of how relations between a rising power and one struggling to maintain its status have been so complex in the long history of international relations. While many people talk about the possibility that China will overtake the U.S. in the future, others talk about a G2.2 If we look closely at global trends and changes to China＇ s international environment, if we examine what exactly we mean by power status, we will have a much deeper understanding of China＇ s current power status from which we can build a solid foundation for this country＇ s foreign strategy and diplomacy.     

China＇s Think Tanks in Global Transition

With China now the world＇s second-largest economy,the status and role of China＇s think tanks have become an increasing concem.On the whole,the international status of China＇ s think tanks is not commensurate with the country＇ s current international status.The University of Pennsylvania＇ s The Global Go To Think Tanks Report published in 2014 said that as of August 2013,China had 426 think tanks,second only to the U.S.with 1,828.But of the top 100 non-U.S.think tanks in the world only 5 are Chinese,and in the 150 most influential global think tanks,only 6 are from China—with the rest mostly from Europe.China＇ s think tanks lack professionalism and influence.1 This is why China has been pushing to improve its think tanks internationally.In April 2013,President Xi Jinping proposed building a ＂new think tank with Chinese characteristics＂.     

China''s India Studies

Over the past 50 years, with the improvement of relationship between India and China, the scope of India studies in China＇s IR research has been broadened and the new areas of studies are being explored. The research agenda of India studies has already extended to the areas like economy, society, culture, security, national strategy and their impact on both bilateral and international relations. In this situation, the focuses of India studies in China＇s IR research can be mainly identified as follows： reviews on India＇s social, political and economic systems; analysis on the national strategy and foreign policy; Sino-Indian relations; India＇s relations with some international organizations. However, even though many fresh progresses have been made in India studies, the India studies in China＇s IR research still lag far behind the study of other important countries like the U.S., UK, Russia and Japan, and more problems and challenges will face in the coming future. The paper believes that a fuller understanding of India probably will not make China and India close friends, but it definitely will help to prevent them from becoming fierce enemies.     

Cultural Diplomacy and a Harmonious World

The cultural diplomacy of China today has entered into a period of rapid development. Yet there is still much room for improvement in promoting China＇s new diplomatic thinking. In step with China＇s growing economy and increased weight in international affairs, the Chinese government has changed its diplomatic strategy to ＂building a harmonious world.＂ To make this concept more attractive and acceptable to other countries and peoples, China should expand its soft power resources, strengthen international cultural exchanges to draw on the fine achievements of foreign cultures, enhance the influence of Chinese culture worldwide, exploit new channels for international cultural exchanges, develop its cultural industry, and improve its comprehensive power.