中国周边外交中的软实力战略

"软实力"是一种影响他国意愿的能力与无形的权力资源,它通过文化和价值观念的对外输出,道德和意识形态的说教,国际组织的规则制定等渠道,向他国发挥"影响"、"吸引"和"说服"的作用。"软实力"理论的学理价值在于,从理论上把以文化为主要因素的软实力提升到了国家战略层面的高度,为国家制定其发展战略及参与国际竞争提供了重要的理论参照。改革开放以来,中国提升软实力和国际形象已具备良好基础和积淀,当今的中国已从国际体系的外围走到了中心,中国的一举一动正在引起国际社会的高度关注。中国周边外交战略中的软实力构建正在为维护亚太地区的和平与稳定产生积极影响。     

国内学术界中国软实力研究现状述评

20世纪90年代初, 约瑟夫·奈提出的软实力理论把文化提升到国家战略层面, 为各国制定国际战略 提供了新理论依据, 受到国际社会普遍关注。中国学者及时追踪并围绕中国软实力的研究路径、中国软实力的国 际地位、中国软实力的构成要素等问题, 进行深入研究, 并取得了一系列成果。但总体而言, 中国的软实力研究还 处于初级阶段, 其研究的广度和深度还需要进一步拓宽和加深     

从美国“软实力”到中国“柔实力”——约瑟夫·奈软实力理论评析

由约瑟夫·奈提出的"软实力"概念,已经成为国际社会一个通行的概念。软实力所提出的发挥文化资源吸引力来达到国家目标的思想,被人们普遍接受。但软实力概念在利诱与吸引如何区分,硬软实力资源如何区分,物质性的流行文化如何产生软实力以及软实力是否存在道德性、规范性等问题上,还存在许多内在矛盾和局限。中国源远流长的历史文化中蕴含了丰富的思想资源,其中的"柔实力"概念具有重大的理论与现实意义。     

新国际主义与中国软实力外交

需要我们研究有中国特色的软实力概念.软实力与硬实力相对,不仅指制度力量与文化力量,还包括国际认同、话语实践以及外交艺术.它在国际关系方面实质上体现了国家在国际社会化、制度化与国际合作中的地位,在外交方面往往与国际主义路线有着密切的联系.国际主义曾经为20世纪中国的大国成长做出过巨大的贡献,在今后的和平与发展进程中仍然是软实力外交的重要内容.     

从国家独立到西半球霸权：美国崛起过程中的拉美政策——兼论对中国崛起的启示

美国是从区域性霸权走向世界霸权的，而拉美政策是其巩固国家安全，实现深度发展的逻辑起点与重要保障。在崛起过程中，美国结合当时的国际、国内形势，制订了既务实、灵活又不失原则的拉美政策与战略，妥善处理了与霸权国之间的关系，在加强自身硬实力的同时注重软实力建设，既确保了自身利益，又充当了拉美地区利益的代言人与维护者，为其确立在西半球的霸权地位起到了至关重要的作用。     

人权发展与中国国家软实力建设

软实力是国家形象塑造与竞争的基础，国家形象与软实力之间是一种相互影响、相互 作用的互构关系。人权是国家权力的源泉，人权为具体的国家制度创新奠定了价值基础并指出了发 展方向，是国家软实力的内核。人权发展在经济发展、文化吸引力、国家形象塑造、国际议程设置、媒 介传播效应、行为合法性等方面推动软实力提升。对中国来说，在人权软实力建设方面要想“有所作 为”，走向世界，必须凸显“以人为本”的核心价值观，加强与国际社会包括人权交流在内的各个层面 的合作     

软实力研究在中国:一个概念演进史的考察

"软实力"概念被引进到中国已经20多年,从国内学术界的研究来看,最初对其的反应是非常冷淡的。然而,随着国际竞争态势的变化以及中国国内经济社会发展,文化因素在中国现代化发展战略中的地位越来越重要,甚至文化发展被直接纳入到国家的发展战略之中。在这种情形下,国内学术界对软实力的研究骤然升温,并对其从概念到内涵都进行了更大范围的拓展,形成了与"软实力"有关的一系列概念和相应的理论,从而实现了"软实力"从概念到理论的"中国化"创新。尽管国内学术界对"软实力"概念的使用依然存在着诸多分歧,但中国的确需要大力发展软实力。原因在于,中国的和平发展不仅需要强大的硬实力,也需要不断增强的软实力。只有在硬实力与软实力平衡发展的支撑之下,中国的和平发展进程才具有可持续性。     

实力战略的变革:硬战略抑或软战略?

围绕实力观和实力战略的热议源于全球化推动的世界历史性变迁。较之硬战略,软战略日益显示出更加持久的生命力。软战略包括软、硬实力两个方面,其核心要素是硬、软实力的正向软使用。软实力本身不是万能之药,其作用有限,在推进软战略的过程中需要防止片面夸大软实力的重要性而忽视硬实力的发展,防止片面的理想主义情绪。今后要吸取以军事和征服为硬对抗轴心的美国硬战略的教训,在传统硬战略的基础上推进软战略的进一步发展。为了使软战略更好地应对全球挑战,中国必须强调在7个领域内的重点,特别需要加强硬实力软使用领域的有效对策。     

软实力与中非关系的发展

中国在非洲的影响力,随着中非关系的全方位深化而不断增强,这在很大程度上得益于中国近年来在非洲日益重视提升自身软实力及其取得的成果.当前,中非双方致力于建立新型的战略伙伴关系,这是一项具有重要意义的目标,能否实现,既需要中国的硬实力,也需要中国继续在非洲构建软实力,而后者则决定中非新型关系的长远发展.     

国际体系和中国国际定位的历史性变化

与国际体系的关系是一个国家对外关系的重要组成部分.新中国成立以来,与国际体系的关系经历了从反对西方体系和两超控制的冷战体系,到积极参与现行国际体系并在其中发挥负责任大国作用的历史性变化.这是中国实行改革开放政策的需要,也是中国调整国际理念和外交政策的结果,对中国拓展对外关系有重大意义.     

转型中的国际体系：中国与各主要力量的关系

国际体系正在加速转型,其主要标志是:中国和平崛起、9·11后的反恐战争、一种新的超越意识形态及战略竞争的大国双边合作关系正在全球范围内成型.但目前的国际体系仍然是西方盟国掌握主导权,在双边同盟和八国集团与中国之间有一条或明或暗的战略分界线.中国与西方大国既有广泛的合作;又有各种分歧和战略性的竞争.东亚区内多层次、多形式的多边和双边合作在加强,新的地区秩序正逐步显现,中国的繁荣与富强依赖于构建良好的周边关系.     

The Great Financial Crisis Catalyzes Great Transformations and Adjustments

Under the shadow of the financial crisis, the year 2009 presented numerous signs that the world is polarizing in terms of power balances, strategic readjustments by the world powers, and relations between these world powers. Meanwhile, despite intense competition, new advances may be perceived in the peaceful and incremental evolution of the international system, in terms of mechanisms, concepts and the realignment of forces. The transformation of the world order and the acceleration of a systematic evolution will inevitably result in power vacuums and disorder. Together with the growing negative effects of the financial crisis, this will further complicate the international security situation. As an emerging center for this great transformation, Asia serves as a symbol of turbulence, realignment and uncertainty in the areas of international strategy and security. Interaction between China and the rest of the world is taking place across all sectors, at all levels, and with growing intensity, all amid great risks.     

China＇s Foreign Strategy： Constantly Deepening and Broadening

China has been constantly deepening and broadening foreign strategy in accordance with the changes of the world situation. With the Fourth Plenary Session of the Seventeenth CPC Central Committee, the Eleventh Diplomatic Envoy Conference and the Central Economic Working Conference as opportunities, the CPC Central Committee has made a series of new explanations and judgements on China＇s foreign strategy in the new era. China＇s external work has also entered a new period of great development. China has made substantial progress in countering the international financial crisis, promoting global issues such as climate change, maintaining the steady development of relations with major global powers and solidifying its strategy of reliance on surrounding countries. China＇s international status and influence has scaled new heights.     

The Changing Nature of Multilateralism and Brazilian Foreign Policy

An important characteristic of the current international setting is the crisis of the structure in existence, rather than the emergence of a new order. The rise of new interests and demands, as well as the speed of the transformation make the current understanding of global governance more complex. Brazil, like other medium powers, has an interest in institutionalised multilateralism as a means of increasing its bargaining capacity and hindering the unilateralism of major powers, without being antagonistic to them. It is attempting to increase its weight in traditional international bodies, which provide the grounding for international legitimacy, as well as in new informal arrangements. While this strategy could lead to the establishment of a new hierarchy that brings in countries of growing relative importance, it has put the weight of regional integration into another perspective in Brazilian foreign policy.     

Soft Power in a Hard Place: China, Taiwan, Cross-Strait Relations and U.S. Policy

Soft power, like so much else in relations between the People's Republic of China and Taiwan, is asymmetrical and freighted with implications for U.S. policy and U.S.-China relations. For China, soft power largely serves—or strives—to reduce alarm (or at least reaction) among other states concerned about China's new-found hard power or, perhaps more realistically, the hard power that China's economic rise can underwrite. Much of the value for Beijing of soft power is—and is likely to remain for quite some time—its potential contribution to reducing the likelihood that other states will react to China's rising hard power in ways that could threaten China's interests.     

Managing great powers in the post-Cold War world: old rules new game? The case of the global war on terror

This article investigates the impact of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) on the primary institution of great power management. To this end, it first identifies a misalignment between the new post-Cold War social reality and the capacity of some traditional norms of great power management to mediate this reality. Having established and described this environment of normative uncertainty, I then probe how the GWoT propels the consolidation of new identities and norms of great power management in interstate society. I argue that since the beginning of the GWoT the primary institution of great power management has institutionalized new norms to address transnational violence within its processes. At the same time, as hard balancing amongst great powers is becoming increasingly obsolete, two distinct social structures have been constructed with the GWoT: one that privileges an inequitable social structure of friends/rivals amongst states; and another that shapes a social structure of enemies with regard to terrorist–state relations. In this process, the capacity of managing transnational violence globally has increasingly become one of the central constitutive elements of being a great power. I conclude by demonstrating how the GWoT has acted as a subtle ‘bargaining bid’ in the process of organizing the current social meaning of polarity and great power management amongst states. State practices under the GWoT have delineated, in a clearer form, underlying expectations about the pattern of interactions between the superpower and great powers. Consequently, the GWoT has exerted a symbolic and psychological impact over international society by institutionalizing not only a specific meaning of unipolarity but also further raising the threshold of what is acceptable behaviour on the part of the superpower within an interstate social structure of friends/rivals.     

Normative Power and the Liberal Peace: A Rejoinder to John O'Brennan

This rejoinder to John O'Brennan reasserts the case that the EU enlargement process has a depoliticising effect, which weakens the connections between Western Balkan states and their societies. It suggests that O'Brennan's response is more apologia than analysis; evading issues raised by asymmetrical relations of power between the EU and Western Balkans states. Here the EU is idealised, with the ascribed status of a “normative actor” projecting power merely through “soft power” mechanisms. The points raised in rejoinder seek to clarify that the more “muscular” use of conditionality and direct management of policy reforms inevitably limit the possibilities for public and political debate and consensus-making. Moreover, they distance political elites from their societies. In particular, the use of political conditionality is highlighted, to demonstrate that whether “hard” powers of imposition or “soft” powers of conditionality are used matters less to those on the receiving end of external imposition than to the EU itself, which has attempted to distance itself from its use of executive powers in the region.     

Sino-U.S. Comparisons of Soft Power

This article proposes a method for measuring soft power. Overall, it is estimated that China has roughly a third of America＇s power in this respect. Three factors constitute the soft power of a country： its international appeal, its external and its internal mobilization capabilities. In the short term, China cannot hope to catch up in international appeal and needs to find a balanced way to develop both hard and soft power. It needs to set policy guidelines based on equality and justice, enhance its capabilities for rallying both external and domestic support, and concentrate on improving its social credibility and international strategic reputation. In doing so, it is hoped that China will be able to narrow the gap in these areas within four to five years.     

世界政治“平靖进程”的技术变迁支撑

二战后,世界政治经历了"平靖进程",具体体现为:"大国罕有战事""国家罕有消亡"。本文融合国际政治经济学与国际安全研究,展示二战后的技术变迁改变了大国的"意愿"与"能力",支撑了世界政治新变化。在马尔萨斯时代,由于技术水平低下,生存物资稀缺,生存保障匮乏,人类面临持续的安全难题。二战后,技术发展影响了当代大国的"意愿"与"能力",让世界政治呈现新变化。技术变迁给大国提供了更为丰富的选择,让大国使用武力征服的意愿降低;同时,随着技术变迁,尤其是在"核革命"后,大国确保自身安全的能力更强,使得"大国罕有战事"。得益于技术变迁,大国利益半径扩大,即便距离遥远地域的变化也与自身息息相关,大国保障遥远海外利益的意愿提升;同时,技术变迁扩大了大国的权力投射,让世界各国,尤其是大国保障体系稳定的能力更强,致使"国家罕见消亡"。随着技术变迁,世界政治已呈现出很多与传统智慧不同的方面,孕育国际交往的新理念。     

国际金融危机催化世界大变革大调整

2009年，在国际金融危机的深刻影响下，多极世界格局的特征，在国际力量对比和大国战略调整，及主要战略力量关系变化上，都不同程度地开始呈现。与之相适应，国际体系和平渐进的变革，在主要各方的激烈博弈中，从机制到理念，再到力量组合，都有新的发展。这种格局转换和体系变革的加速，势必造成权力真空与混乱无序。加上国际金融危机的负面效应发酵，国际安全形势整体上变得更加复杂严峻。亚洲作为这场大变局的新中心，集中体现了国际战略与安全形势中的动荡、重组和不确定。中国与世界各主要力量的互动，愈显全方位、大纵深、高频度的密切活动。