论中国软实力资源的整合与开发

近几年，软实力理念已经深入中国战略决策和实际工作当中。党的十六届六中全会通过《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》，将“和谐”作为中国人民共存发展的纽带，成为中国社会凝聚力的代名词，这种凝聚力正是一国软实力的集中体现。党的十七大报告中，新提法孕育着对中国软实力的关注，包括国内体制机制的完善与创新意识、文化建设与发展的能力以及外交政策和政府形象的魅力等，更加丰富了中国软实力的内涵。     

国际安全视域下的网络文化与网络空间软实力

网络文化不是纯粹的文化问题和文化现象,而是与安全具有广泛的内在联系。在网络空间本身已经全球化的时代,有必要从国际安全的视角审视网络文化。理想的网络文化是一个能够维系自身运转、净化和完善的体系,具有三个与安全相关的功能:传递功能(以信息技术实力确保信息文化流动的顺畅和安全)、纠正功能(纠正错误信息和越轨行为)和塑造功能(塑造观念、行为方式和组织方式)。这三个功能分别对应三种类型的国家软实力:第一,以信息传播和文化内容为基础的网络空间软实力,主要是指信息传播实力和网络文化产品的吸引力。第二,以外交劝说和外交质量为基础的网络空间软实力,即运用传统外交和公共外交等方式纠正有危害性的信息和越轨行为的能力。第三,以国家利益和国际道义为基础的网络空间软实力,指建构国家文化、国家形象和国际声誉的能力。网络空间软实力是数字化时代国家综合国力的重要组成部分,也将成为未来国力竞争的焦点领域。     

印度软实力初探——论印度发展软实力的优势与劣势

在当代国际关系中，随着时代主题的转变、全球化大潮的全面来临，国家之间相互依赖程度的加深，用传统军事经济手段解决问题的成本日益加大，国家软实力的重要性正日趋上升。印度是一个正在崛起的新兴大国，了解印度的软实力及其发展、变化和运用，对我国有极其重要的意义。本文旨在探讨印度的软实力，分析印度发展软实力的优势与劣势。     

印度对非洲的软实力外交及经验借鉴

面临着冷战后国际形势的变革,印度的外交观念、外交方式也发生了相应的调整。印度在制定对外政策时愈加重视软实力的作用,这在对非洲关系中得到了明确体现。印度通过实施经济援助、加强教育文化交流、促进与非洲国家的军事合作以及支持非洲在国际体系中的合法权益等方式极大促进了双边关系发展。非洲在中国对外战略中具有重要地位,我国应积极借鉴印度对非洲软实力外交经验以促进中非关系发展。     

Cultural Diplomacy and a Harmonious World

The cultural diplomacy of China today has entered into a period of rapid development. Yet there is still much room for improvement in promoting China＇s new diplomatic thinking. In step with China＇s growing economy and increased weight in international affairs, the Chinese government has changed its diplomatic strategy to ＂building a harmonious world.＂ To make this concept more attractive and acceptable to other countries and peoples, China should expand its soft power resources, strengthen international cultural exchanges to draw on the fine achievements of foreign cultures, enhance the influence of Chinese culture worldwide, exploit new channels for international cultural exchanges, develop its cultural industry, and improve its comprehensive power.     

海洋话语与国际秩序转变

国际关系的演进表明,海洋话语转变是国际秩序转变的重要风向标。文章对海洋话语进行了概念分析,并将其细分成海洋硬话语与海洋软话语,明确其包涵因素和互动关系。战争、谈判、国际会议、条约及协定等是国家争取战略主导权、在国际权力格局中占据优势的重要手段,可作为海洋话语与国际秩序之间的互动机理。海洋话语与国际秩序转变主要经历了欧洲主导时期和美国主导时期,且美国主导时期延续至今。在“百年未有之大变局”时代,海洋世界多极化趋势显著,海陆联动明显,“泛海洋时代”到来;海洋话语的话语主体、结构设计、海缘范畴及议题领域等均在经历多维嬗变,国际海洋新秩序建构的可能性和必要性在不断提升。中国需把握好角色定位与策略选择,优化中国海洋战略,树立新海洋安全观,踏实构建海洋话语,在国际海洋新秩序的构建中发挥积极引领作用。     

约束与突破：中国在北极理事会的规范性话语权提升路径探析

北极理事会作为最具影响力的北极地区国际组织,其规则制定行为深刻影响了北极秩序的演变。中国不仅是北极事务的"利益攸关方",也是北极治理的后来者。要融入以西方国家主导的北极治理格局,就需要借助北极理事会来维护中国的北极利益。获取并提升规范性话语权,是中国制度性参与北极治理的重要目标。随着国际地位的提升与北极治理环境的转变,为了护持合理的北极权益,中国有必要提升在北极理事会中的规范性话语权。当前,中国可以通过充分利用参会权来提升对北极理事会建章立制的知情能力,从而逐步突破身份与权益限制,以及北极国家对北极治理规范性话语权的垄断。     

中国网络外交的现状与对策研究

在当今信息时代,网络外交可以为软权力的实现提供技术信息支撑、文化价值观和身份认同支持以及外交信誉基础,是实现软权力的有力助推剂。然而,中国网络外交尚处于起步阶段,面临诸多问题。为有效应对挑战,中国要加强网络技术研究和信息资源的收集整理发布工作,积极推进民族文化网络化、产业化、现代化和世界化的步伐,强化国家核心价值体系和主流意识形态在网络的主导地位,同时还要通过加强与国外网络媒体的对话、改变国内网络管理思路与体制等方式来推动网络外交的发展。     

Strategic considerations in the US–China relationship and the role of European soft power

This paper analyses strategic considerations within the conceptual, the policy and the systemic dimension of US–Sino relations. Furthermore, the role of the EU’s soft power in the context of US–China relations will be assessed. It will be argued that current US–China relations are mainly a function of the current US foreign policy towards China, which doesn’t take into account that an engagement policy towards China needs to be paralleled by an engagement policy towards the East Asian region. A functional equivalent of the EU’s soft power and its approach of bilateral and multilateral engagement of East Asian actors is a missing element in US–China relations. The thinking on China affairs in the USA can be broadly structured into two different schools of thought. On the one side there are those who favour an engagement policy vis-à-vis China. The engagement school argues that bilateral and multilateral cooperation with China needs to be intensified. Traditionally members of this school are found in the Department of State and the Bureau of the US Trade Representative. On the other side there are those who think of China as a threat that needs to be contained. The politicians and experts that belong to the threat school (e.g. in the Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute) emphasize their fears of China’s future role on the regional and global level. Though China has supported the US’s “war on terrorism” after the attacks of 9/11, Beijing’s increasing military budget, its neglect of non-proliferation agreements (e.g. in its relations with Pakistan) and its behaviour within the Six-Party Talks are taken as examples of the China threat. Security policies do not solely determine the relationship between the USA and China. The US China policy is a function of both the US’s economic and security interests. This explains why Washington follows a dual policy of simultaneous engagement and containment, i.e. a policy of hedged engagement. But the current state of affair of the Sino–US relationship does not reflect the rise of China as a de facto hegemon of an East Asian community. It is the inherent danger of the current US China policy that the missing regional component in US–China relations could facilitate the formation of a fortress Asia. Since Beijing holds the key to Asian regionalism, China should be the main target of European soft power in Asia by exporting the principles of regionalism and multilateralism to Asia. To what extent the EU and its model of intraregional cooperation and integration can influence the objective and trajectory of Asian regionalism will demonstrate partly the extent of Europe’s soft power in the international system.

---

Major Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Is Moving forward Steadily

The year of 2016 witnessed the balance of internal and external situations,calm and steady actions and proper planning in major power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.Those were reflected in the success of the G20 summit,the vigorous promotion of the "One Belt,One Road" (B&R) Initiative and the active promotion of international cooperation on development,which acquired positive response and general agreement from the international community and made special contributions to building a more just and reasonable international order.Those were also reflected in the active management of major power relations and sound responses to the changing situation in the surrounding area to create good external environment for domestic development.In addition,further expansion and defending of overseas interests set higher standards for Chinese diplomacy.Having been pushed by the era to the forefront,China is performing its responsibility as a major power in a peculiar way and will certainly make greater contributions to world peace and development.     

An Analysis of the Great Power Strategy of India' s Modi Government

Over the past two years,India's Modi government has demonstrated the following features:focusing on the goals of becoming a great power and shaping India's South Asian dominance,expanding the scope of diplomatic strategy,emphasizing the role of soft power and focusing on self-development as well as external environment.Modi's great power strategy is deeply influenced by the Indian realistic international political outlook and,to a certain extent,reflects the governing philosophy of the Bharatiya Janata Party.The great power strategy is Modi's governing foundation and governing style,embedding Modi distinctive personal style.Under the influence of the great power strategy,China and India have increased their economic cooperation scope,widening the forms of public diplomacy,with an obvious geopolitical collision;India is taking more measures to check China.     

China–Australia strategic partnership in the context of China’s grand peripheral diplomacy

Alongside its rise, China has intensified its relations with countries on its periphery by adopting a “dual-core” strategy in order to create a “Community of Common Destiny”. In this context, China has upgraded its relationship with Australia from “commercial” to “strategic” levels. China’s “dual-core” strategy and the China–Australia strategic partnership reveal not only China’s desire for intensifying its economic interdependence with countries on its periphery, Australia included, but also China’s strategic intention of creating its own sphere of influence in the form of a “Community of Common Destiny”. China wishes to sustain its economic and social progress by restoring the past glory of “Fuqiang” (wealth and power) as it enhances both its “hard” and “soft” power. The intensified economic interdependence may persuade countries on its periphery to avoid being involved in any attempt by China’s competitors to contain its rise.     

思想·制度·工具——美国国家安全体系的一种分析框架

各国国家安全体系建设的相关经验,可以为总体国家安全观指导下的中国国家安全体系建设提供参考和借鉴。国家安全体系一般都有一些必不可少的基本构成要素,但由于各国历史文化、内外环境和发展需求等方面的差异,这些要素的演变历程、具体内容和实际作用可能大不相同。作为超级大国,美国拥有最为庞大、完备且富于自身特色的国家安全体系。这个体系主要由指导思想、法律制度和保障工具三类要素构成。其指导思想是维护全球性主导地位,并带有绝对安全倾向;决策机制既遵循一套完整的跨部门分级流程,也涉及各种非正式决策模式;法律制度与监管机制系统完备;保障工具与手段多样有力,包括超强的军事能力与联盟体系、强大的经济实力与情报体系以及广泛的社会基础。然而,作为一个在冷战中形成的"安全化国家",美国的安全目标与手段、资源之间存在持续张力;空前庞大的国家安全体系也会受到内外条件的制约,经常陷入能力捉襟见肘、行为进退失据的境地;尽管在国际体系中拥有显著的"权力优势",美国同样面临发展利益与安全利益之间的矛盾。     

Soft Power and the Currency of Sports: (Re)imagining South Africa’s Rising Hegemony in Africa

Commenting on the utility of sports as a development facilitating instrument, Nelson Mandela, in 2000, remarked that it “has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It has the power to unite people in a way that little else can. Sport can awaken hope where there was previously only despair”. Madiba’s iconic statement captures the changing reality of the international system wherein states appreciate the soft power potential of sports as a subtle alternative for gaining political advantage in the international arena. This also lends credence to the argument that politics permeates all elements of social existence, including sports. In view of the preceding, this paper interrogates the rising attractiveness of South Africa in Africa and perhaps globally through the lens of its sporting engagements. From the last decade of the 20th century, South Africa’s status in the sporting world has attracted much international and scholarly attention. The article examines how South Africa negotiates the overlapping arena of politics, sports and foreign policy to normatively secure a regional hegemonic posture through a blend of strategies. These include successful bidding and hosting of sporting mega-events; involvement in the development of sporting codes and local sports content across Africa and a positive cumulative ranking in international competitions vis-à-vis other contenders for regional powerhood. The analysis takes the position that South Africa’s strategy of sports diplomacy masks its aspiration for regional hegemony and this pattern is uniquely relevant for shaping empirical understanding of power politics in Africa as well as appreciating the ideational potency of soft power as a constitutive element of what makes a regional hegemon.     

The Rise of China

Shared ideas wield a decisive influence on a country's external behavior. How China's rise will impact the world is determined by ideas shared by the international community. The identity and role of an emerging China is shaped not merely by its own material factors and subjective efforts. It is also constructed through China's interaction with other countries. The idea of a harmonious culture may eliminate international concerns about China's rise at the root, but this culture needs to be constructed by all the countries in the world.     

印度外交新态势：文化软实力的推进

约瑟夫·奈提出的“软实力”理论在世界政坛日益受到广泛的关注。印度将提升软实力作为新世纪外交的重要任务之一。印度文化软实力有着追求精神胜于物质、强调人与自然的和谐统一等传统价值理念和以民主、多元化、包容性为特征的政治价值观；流行文化亦内涵丰富并深具魅力。近年来，印度在南盟、周边、非洲拉美、欧美等不同层面不同领域因地制宜积极推进文化软实力。通过独具特色的文化软实力外交，印度有效地提升了国家形象，为自身的崛起营造了良好的发展环境。     

中国在东南亚的软实力和中美关系

软实力在国家的对外关系中的作用越来越引起人们的重视。中国在东南亚的影响力的上升在美国的舆论界和学术界引起了警觉,认为中国要超越甚至排挤美国在该地区的影响。作者考察了中国在东南亚的实际影响,实事求是地分析了中国影响上升的原因,并指出了这种影响的局限性。最后呼吁,为了本地区的和平、稳定与繁荣,中美两国应该和平共处,合作共赢,良性竞争。     

软实力视角下的中国与东盟警务合作

冷战结束以来,国际性犯罪形势愈加严重,并呈现组织化、职业化和国际化的趋势,靠一国之力难以解决,加强国际警务合作,控制和预防各种犯罪就成为国际社会的共同需要。中国和东盟也面临毒品走私、非法移民、洗黑钱、恐怖主义活动等跨国犯罪的严峻挑战,中国与东盟在打击这些犯罪活动方面开展了有效的警务合作,但中国与东盟警务合作也面临主权、域外势力干涉、合作形式单一等诸多问题。本文主要以软实力为视角,就如何克服障碍,加强中国与东盟警务合作提出了相关思考。     

If Not Soft Balancing,Then What? Reconsidering Soft Balancing and U.S. Policy Toward China

Some scholars argue that soft balancing is a typical state behavior against the hegemon under unipolarity. Others contend that soft balancing against the hegemon is ineffective. We challenge both arguments and suggest that soft balancing is not only a product of specific configurations of the power distribution in the system, unipolarity, but also a rational behavior under another condition, economic dependence. We argue that the interplay between power disparity and economic dependence shapes a state's decision in choosing different balancing strategies. The higher the power disparity and economic dependence, the more likely a state chooses soft balancing to pursue its security. Using U.S. policy toward China after the Cold War as a crucial test, we suggest that the huge power gap and increasing economic interdependence between the United States and China shape U.S. soft balancing rather than hard balancing toward China. We conclude that future U.S.-China relations depend on whether the United States declines as a result of China's rise and on the degree of economic interdependence between the two countries.     

The Iraq War and International Relations: Implications for Small States

The Iraq War exposes the new shape of world politics. It discredits the idea of a benign hegemon defending world order, content to be an ‘offshore balancer’, exercising its power through multinational institutions and constrained by mutually agreed rules. Rather, the hegemon, facing few external constraints in a unipolar world, is driven by the particularistic interests of its ruling group, in the pursuit of informal empire wherein military force is used to impose client regimes and economic subordination. The impotence of both a realist power balance and of liberal institutions to restrain it calls into question the main bases of global order, leaving imperial overreach as the main limitation on hegemonic power. Small states may be able to adapt to, even temporarily profit from, bandwagoning with the hegemon, but it is they that are potentially most threatened when a hegemonic power undermines the international constraints on the use of power.