Towards a new aid paradigm: South Africa as African development partner

As the largest African economy and the leading African aid-provider, with plans to establish an aid agency, South Africa is often ranked among the developing world's ‘emerging donors’. However, the country's development cooperation commitments are smaller in scope, scale and ambition than the aid regimes of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) or Gulf state donors. Given its limited resources and domestic socioeconomic challenges, South Africa prefers the role of ‘development partner’. In this role, South Africa's development cooperation in Africa has ranged from peacekeeping, electoral reform and post-conflict reconstruction to support for strengthening regional and continental institutions, implementing the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and improving bilateral political and economic relations through dialogue and cooperation. This article seeks to determine whether Pretoria's development cooperation offers an alternative perspective to the aid policies and practices of the traditional and large rising donors. We conclude that South Africa does not fit neatly the ‘donor’ category of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD's) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and neither is Pretoria's aid-spending typically ‘ODA’ (official development assistance). Instead, with its new aid agency, South Africa occupies a unique space in Africa's development cooperation landscape. With fewer aid resources, but a ‘comparative advantage’ in understanding Africa's security/governance/development nexus, South Africa can play an instrumental role in facilitating trilateral partnerships, especially in Southern Africa.     

Towards convergence and cooperation in the global development finance regime: closing Africa's policy space?

The revival of China's interest in Africa is often highlighted as being an opportunity to provide African governments with a choice between development partners that may strengthen negotiation leverage and thereby carve out policy space to define and implement policies that affect social and economic development. This article critically reviews the most recent developments in Chinese and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) approaches to development finance to Africa. It argues that although we can detect a number of incidents that point towards more policy space for African governments, the revival of China's development finance does not fundamentally alter the power relations between African countries and their financiers, as the tendency now is towards convergence and cooperation between China and Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors—not divergence and competition, which could have created policy space as it did prior to the end of the Cold War. This follows the trend of other ‘emerging’ donors who increasingly play by DAC rules and thereby minimize the future possibility of playing out one partner against the other.     

Individual BRICS or a collective bloc? Convergence and divergence amongst ‘emerging donor’ nations

In recent years a number of countries have established more prominent development assistance programmes. These ‘emerging donors’ are generally low- and middle-income countries with fewer links than traditional donors to multilateral frameworks for coordination. This article focuses primarily on whether these increasingly important donors will converge upon or challenge the behavioural norms that have emerged from traditional donor operations. It offers two main findings. First, although the evidence is incomplete, it suggests that the group of emerging donors is too heterogeneous to pose a collective alternative to the existing aid architecture, though these states may well provide new insights to enrich and improve our understanding and practice of development assistance. Second, it suggests that the case of Russia as a re-emerging donor highlights the conceptual weaknesses of theorizing simply in terms of ‘emerging donors’ versus ‘traditional donors’.     

China as a ‘net donor’: tracking dollars and sense

The article examines China's emergence over the past decade as a net donor, and the implications of this status in global development. The analysis begins by outlining China's rise as a net donor, drawing comparisons in two-way aid flows with the other rising states, specifically Brazil, South Africa and India, and then turns to the implications of China's rise as an aid sender. The central argument is that conceptualizing China's rise as a ‘net donor’ is crucial for understanding the hybrid position that China has come to occupy in the global aid system, and the consequences of this positioning. Although China has achieved remarkable success with its own development, rather than join the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) regime of traditional donors, the Chinese Communist Party and government leadership has chosen instead to continue to self-identify with the countries of the South, and to construct ties of South–South cooperation outside of DAC arrangements. The Chinese leadership is trying to stake out an unprecedented position in the global aid system, traversing the North–South divide, despite the fact that China has already joined the ranks of world economic powers.     

Emerging donors: the promise and limits of bilateral and multilateral democracy promotion

This paper examines the evolving pattern of democracy promotion by three emerging donors: India, Brazil and South Africa. It first asks how the emerging donors promote democracy through their development assistance. The paper argues that despite the risk of compromising security and trade interests, the emerging donors have adapted to a 2 × 2 (two by two) model of democracy promotion by which they circumvent risk by promoting procedural democracy through bilateral means and non-procedural democracy through multilateral frameworks. Second, the paper asks why these three countries exhibit the same pattern of democracy promotion in spite of not having coordination among them. In response, the paper provides a structure–agent explanation. The paper contends that the structural constraints imposed on emerging donors are conducive to the operation of the 2 × 2 model in promoting democracy. While the model safeguards the emerging donors from criticism of being undue interveners in other countries' domestic affairs, it also privileges them with international recognition for being responsible partners in democracy promotion.     

南非加入金砖国家合作机制的背景、影响与前景

南非祖马政府出于发展经济、推动对非议程、参与全球治理等因素的考虑,多次表示希望加入由巴西、俄罗斯、印度和中国4个发展中大国组成的“金砖四国”（BRIC）组织。南非加入金砖国家合作机制,对于南非加强与其他金砖国家的经贸合作,推进金砖国家对非关系,深化金砖国家合作机制等,具有一定的意义。鉴于南非与其他金砖国家的合作存在较强的基础,且符合南非国家利益的需求,南非与其他金砖国家的关系有望获得持续深入发展。     

中韩第三方市场合作:进展、阻力与对策

第三方市场合作是中韩两国参与国际分工协作的新型合作模式,也是两国发展战略对接与比较优势互补的重要经济实践。中韩第三方市场合作在产品服务、工程建设、投资合作、产融结合和战略合作五个领域打造了一系列重要工程,不仅加深中韩两国的合作基础,还为第三方市场的经济发展注入新动力。但其中存在诸多挑战,产业结构的竞争、复杂的营商环境、域外大国因素的介入以及中韩经济波动等都对中韩第三方市场合作造成了阻力。因此,开拓战略新兴产业、打造示范工程、创新金融合作和完善协调机制,是实现中韩第三方市场合作可持续发展的重要保障。     

中国在非洲的经贸合作区发展浅析

经济特区是有中国特色的发展模式,非洲国家希望能学习这一模式,促进本国经济发展。中国企业也希望利用工业区增强在非洲市场的竞争力。在互惠的基础上,中非双方决定建设经贸合作区,探索经济合作的新方式。目前,在非洲的7个合作区大多进入基建阶段,有两家已开始运营。它们对中非经贸关系与当地经济发展的意义将是长期和多方面的,但在合作中也存在问题与挑战。双方政府与企业之间的积极沟通与协调将是合作区成功的关键,全面考虑和灵活计划则是成功的保证。     

Transatlantic cooperation on terrorism and Islamist radicalisation in Africa: the Franco-American axis

Transatlantic cooperation on security has a long history. In Africa, transatlantic cooperation on security is basically between France and the United States. This paper asks why the two former competitors in Africa started to cooperate and also why they are so willing to engage militarily. The central argument in this paper poses that France and the US cooperate because it is indispensable to both parties. To France, the cooperation is indispensable because the US is the only power with sufficient financial means and with sufficient air-lift capacity to transport French and African troops into conflict-ridden countries. To Washington, cooperation with Paris is indispensable because the French authorities have unique access to intelligence and knowledge about large parts of Africa. By applying a foreign policy analysis framework, the paper analyses how perceptions of decision-makers, the role of personality and leadership, the role of government institutions and political systems have impacted the relevant decisions. It is emphasised that the two different decision-making systems – the French “state dominated” and the American “society dominated” – produce the same result, namely collaboration. It suggests that the perception of a serious threat from terrorism and Islamist radicalisation overrules differences in decision-making systems.     

Theory of Land-Ocean Peaceful Cooperation: a Geopolitical Study of the Sustainable Security of One Belt One Road

The joint establishment of One Belt One Road is a practice of international cooperation initiated by China and actively participated by other countries. One of the important issues is how to ensure sustainable common security, and what kind of geopolitical theory should be employed for guidance. Traditional geopolitical theories, such as sea power theory, land power theory and Rimland theory, mainly serve for the fi ght for geopolitical hegemony or military strategy. They are in sharp contrast with the goal of One Belt One Road, which is of mutual interest and a win-win situation. However, One Belt One Road is still regarded by some countries from the traditional geopolitical perspective. To equip One Belt One Road with new geopolitical concepts, the author hereby proposes the theory of land-ocean peaceful cooperation, which is a non-alliance network community of common interests, security and destiny. This community would be established for mutual benefi ts, between ocean countries and land countries, among ocean countries and among land countries. It could help policy communication among participant countries of One Belt One Road, and the establishment of an open net-like system of peaceful operation and common development. The theory of land-ocean peaceful cooperation of sustainable security, together with the practice of international cooperation of One Belt One Road, will undoubtedly break through the vicious cycle of the Eurasian geographical fi ght and confrontation between sea powers and land powers illustrated by the traditional geopolitics.     

中韩两国人才交流与合作开发研究

中韩建交以来,两国人才交流与合作开发不断扩大,这是双方共同利益所在。中韩两国在政府间科技交流、教育交流、共同培训开发人才等多方面取得很大成效,但仍然面临一些问题。未来中韩两国要继续扩大合作范围、拓宽交流渠道、增加深度交流与合作、充分发挥地方政府的作用、企业与政府共同努力,从而推动中韩两国人才交流与合作向纵深方向发展。     

共同建设21世纪海上丝绸之路新格局

"一带一路"是中国国家主席习近平在2013年9月、10月分别出访中亚和东南亚国家时提出的战略构想,体现了中国在全球化背景下对构建更加开放、合作,促进共同发展的区域经济新格局的战略愿景。本文认为,共建21世纪海上丝绸之路,迫切需要各方共同努力,尽快形成共同发展理念,增进政治互信,构建面向未来的发展愿景,制定发展议程,实施联合行动方案,促进互联互通。     

Sino-Canadian Energy Relations： Opportunities, Challenges and Development Path

Global oil markets are increasingly jittery because of the recent political turbulence in North Africa and the Middle East,prompting China to seek more cooperation with other countries in the field of unconventional energy resources.Considering form the perspective of a hedging strategy,China should expand its cooperation with developed energy-exporting countries.China and Canada are highly complementary in the areas of energy exploration and mutual trade and this provides a broad space for their energy cooperation.However,up until now,this potential has not yet been fully explored,and there have been few substantial achievements in bilateral energy cooperation.Various reasons,including economical and political,can be attributed to this.The Chinese government and enterprises should both make efforts to overcome obstacles and make good use of all advantages to further develop energy cooperation with Canada,so as to realize greater energy politics and economic interests.     

南非加入“金砖国家”合作机制探析

南非申请加入金砖国家合作机制,是南非与其他金砖国家的历史联系,及经济与战略合作关系的持续深入等综合因素影响的结果,符合南非推动国内经济发展、注重对非其他国家间关系与参与全球治理等利益诉求。作为非洲大国与世界主要新兴经济体之一,其他金砖国家看好与南非在增强相互关系的经济社会基础、促进世界经济发展的均衡与完善全球治理机制等方面的合作潜力。作为金砖国家合作机制的新成员,南非将在推动金砖国家间的经济合作、倡导非洲议程与深化金砖国家合作机制等方面扮演积极角色。     

Regulation and Self-Regulation: The Role of Media Commissions and Professional Bodies in the Muslim World

This article examines the state of media regulation in Arab and other Muslim countries. Whereas most countries in Europe, including the emerging democracies of Central and Eastern Europe, and some of the African societies in transition have developed media commissions of different types, most Muslim countries are so far reluctant to ease the dominating state control of the media, especially in the audiovisual sector. A majority of journalists associations in the Middle East and North Africa still need to distance themselves from governments and ruling parties. Their major task is to ensure observance of ethical standards, a task in which they have to struggle with the desires of governments and parliaments to make excessive use of the judiciary to sanction journalists. So far, Muslim countries have yet to develop their own models for restructuring the changing media sector and for creating a viable system of checks and balances that would control the media in a democratic way. Governments should aim to develop a common understanding among regulatory bodies and media practitioners and thus to provide for common concepts of ethical standards. In these efforts, much can be learned from the wide range of experiences gained by the transitional societies of Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa during the last decade.     

Development cooperation,the international–domestic nexus and the graduation dilemma: comparing South Africa and Brazil

Development cooperation is a foreign policy tool marked by deep-seated conflicts of interest and dilemmas of particular relevance to second-tier and non-nuclear countries that aim to change their international status and role. Building on the concept of ‘graduation dilemma’, this article compares specific dilemmas that Brazil and South Africa face in their foreign policies concerning the development cooperation agenda at three levels: the domestic, the regional and the global level. The research question guiding this analysis is: how does the graduation dilemma manifest in relation to Brazil and South Africa’s role in development cooperation?     

中印（尼）两国的服务贸易比较分析

中国和印尼作为东亚两个新兴经济体,2008年次债危机以来,其经济一直保持较快的增长。服务业在两国经济发展中的地位不断上升,为两国之间开展服务贸易奠定较好的基础,但是由于经济发展水平和产业结构的相似性,两国服务贸易的进出口结构存在一定的相似性,导致中国与印尼的服务贸易在国际市场上存在竞争性的一面。尽管如此,中国与印尼之间的服务业各有优势,双方服务贸易同时具有互补性。两国服务贸易互补性较强的行业主要是建筑业、运输业、旅游业。随着两国经贸合作的深入,以及两国政府的积极推动,两国之间的服务贸易规模将不断扩大。     

东北亚农业合作的现状与展望

东北亚地区发展农业合作潜力巨大。中国东北地区同东北亚各国广泛开展农业合作,并取得了一定成效,但仍存在一定的问题,东北亚地区农业合作有待于进一步发展。应加强农产品的出口,促进农业劳动力对外输出,吸引日韩企业参加东北地区农业开发并加强同日韩的农业技术合作开发与引进。     

泛北部湾区域经济合作的法律分析及广西的应对

东盟10国领导人于2007年11月20日在新加坡签署《东盟宪章》，这预示着东盟共同体将正式建立。泛北部湾经济合作是中国与东盟经贸合作关系在次区域的进一步深化和细化，对该区域内相关国家及地区的经济社会发展将产生重大影响。笔者不揣浅陋，就泛北部湾经济合作可能面临的法律问题与注意事项，及广西应采取的应对措施，谈些管见。     

国际法框架下的南海合作(英文)

Pragmatic cooperation on the South China Sea between signatory states not only conforms to the common interests of all parties,but also is a legal obligation.The current threats to stability in the South China Sea require that coastal countries cooperate in environmental protection,resource utilization and conservation,disaster prevention and mitigation,and the fight against crime.Due to a variety of internal and external factors,the South China Sea has recently experienced some problems.Together,stakeholders should look for solutions and promote cooperation in fields that are not very sensitive.