新发展格局下RCEP签署与东亚区域经贸合作的中国策略

作为目前世界上覆盖人口最多和贸易规模最大的自由贸易协定,RCEP的签署将推动东亚区域自由贸易水平的显著提升,也将对中日经贸关系产生较大的促进作用.RCEP的签署还能对中日韩自贸区的建立发挥积极效应.在中国着力构建新发展格局的背景下,RCEP将加快提升中国与国际市场的生产合作和贸易流通,以更加畅通的全球产业上下游关系促进国内大循环发展.同时,也应注意到,RCEP的生效将给中国国内改革和构建新发展格局提出了新的更高要求.新发展格局战略部署与RCEP涵盖的条款,可以视为中国与RCEP成员国之间相互依赖的外部政策支持.中国要运用好构建新发展格局与促进东亚区域经贸合作的关系,充分利用签署的RCEP协定,切实降低双边和诸边贸易投资壁垒,为成员国的企业提供更加优质和高效的营商环境.     

加快推进“中日韩自由贸易协定”谈判的机遇与挑战

中日韩三国经济内部发展与相互之间的经贸关系已经相当成熟,本国经济若要进一步发展,只有建立三边或多边自由贸易区才能挖掘潜力,获得新动力。特朗普政府通过双边谈判的方式,在继续推动自由贸易协定的签署,推动地区一体化的进展。美墨加新的自由贸易区已经诞生,日本、欧盟可能和美国达成自由贸易协定。这给中日韩三国造成巨大的外部压力,中日韩三国没有区域自由贸易协定,其整体处于不利态势。美国通过"美墨加协定"设定"毒丸条款",确立了在世界经贸关系上围堵中国的世界经济新体制。美国以后可能将此推广到同日本、韩国、欧盟等的经贸协定中,对中国不利,对日韩等国也不利,将使其失去深耕中国市场的机会,损失惨重。中日韩三国之间应该采取现实主义,或者实用主义政策,以灵活务实手段,最大限度推进三边自由贸易协定的签订与地区一体化的进程。加快谈判进程,推进中日韩地区合作大步前进。中国可以采取两条腿走路的方式,一方面继续推进自中日韩自由贸易协定,一方面启动同日本的双边自由贸易谈判,并争取早日达成中日双边自由贸易协议。     

RCEP签署对中日经贸关系的影响

中国和日本是一衣带水的近邻,多年来保持着密切的经贸合作关系.2020年新冠肺炎疫情对全球经济产生巨大冲击,在此背景下,中日两国共同推动的RCEP,历经8年曲折谈判后终于尘埃落定.通过RCEP,中日两个贸易大国首次建立了自贸协定关系,双方市场开放度将进一步提高,不仅开放两国重点关心领域的投资限制,进出口产品关税也将得到大幅削减,区域累计原产地规则以及便利的海关通关手续将进一步提高中日贸易便利化水平.未来,RCEP对中日经贸关系发展、中日韩FTA推进、供应链产业链一体化、中日第三方市场合作等将带来多方面影响,为此,应采取积极对策应对可能带来的挑战.     

《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》签署及中国的策略选择

近年来,受世界经济前景不确定性、全球贸易体系重构和区域经济一体化加速发展影响,《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》(RCEP)各方尽快达成谈判意愿明显提升,而印度临阵退出又使得RCEP能否如期签署充满变数。RCEP与《全面与进步的跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》(CPTPP)部分国家重合,涵盖范围、生效时间、国际地位、开放程度、合作难度和融合发展等不同,将面临一些新的问题和挑战。在应对RCEP策略选择上,中国应未雨绸缪、积极争取主动,包括争取RCEP尽快签署生效,坚定维护东盟主导地位,继续发挥大国稳定器作用,有序推进RCEP优化升级,推动RCEP与CPTPP互动发展,密切关注日本合作动向,重视与CPTPP、“印太战略”联动效应,加快打造区域融合发展合作典范。     

RCEP签署后的东亚区域合作未来方向

2020年11月,东盟10国和中国、日本、韩国、澳大利亚、新西兰共15个亚太国家正式签署了RCEP,并且各缔约方均承诺将尽快完成协定的核准程序,使RCEP尽早正式生效.有关各方正式签署RCEP及其日后生效,标志着东亚区域合作进入了新阶段,但并非东亚区域合作进程的终点.RCEP正式生效后仍然面临着东亚区域合作方向的选择问题.为了全面落实RCEP的相关规定并在此基础上进一步推动东亚区域合作深入发展,必须继续坚持东盟在东亚区域合作中的主导地位.考虑到东亚地区的特殊性,在深化RCEP等制度性区域合作的同时,仍需坚持开放的地区主义原则,积极探索东亚区域合作的新形式;需要积极推动RCEP框架下的经济技术合作,促进区域包容性发展.此外,还应该在东盟主导下深化区域政治安全合作,促进政治安全合作与区域经济合作良性互动.     

RCEP在推动东亚区域合作中的作用与新课题

区域全面经济伙伴关系协定(RCEP)对亚洲经济体进一步提升区域贸易投资自由化水平、促进形成区域一体化市场、改善区域综合发展环境具有积极意义。与此同时,RCEP也存在着进一步升级探索经贸新规则、推动区域内部国家进一步参与价值链分工以及提高自由贸易协定利用水平等一系列提升空间。未来一段时期内,以RCEP为重要内容的亚洲区域经济一体化进程将稳定发展,RCEP成员方需要积极加强国际合作,推动RCEP落地生效并发挥应有作用,为区域经济增长和全球经贸发展作出更大贡献。     

区域全面经济伙伴关系：进展、影响及展望

经过7年的谈判,区域全面经济伙伴关系协定(RCEP)整体上结束谈判,这标志着世界上人口数量最多、成员结构最多元、发展潜力最大的区域自由贸易区建设取得重大突破。RCEP有助于整合区域多重制度框架,形成开放统一的亚洲市场,为全球多边贸易体系和全球经贸合作注入新动能。对于中国经济而言,RCEP的达成将大幅改善外部贸易环境,有力推动中国与RCEP成员之间形成更为紧密的贸易投资和产业分工关系,为中国经济增长提供新动能。RCEP不仅能有效形成应对CPTPP的战略缓冲,同时也有助于倒逼中国经济体制改革,进一步推动市场开放。未来,RCEP的规则体系与治理结构还需要由亚洲成员经济体在实践中进一步探索,为全球自由贸易与经济增长做出更多贡献。     

RCEP对东盟贸易的影响评估北大核心CSSCI

《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》(RCEP)是一项区域性自由贸易协定(FTA),将东盟十国与包括澳大利亚、中国、日本、新西兰以及韩国在内的5个伙伴国联系在一起。该协定涉及从原产地规则和贸易便利化到知识产权和投资等贸易及非贸易议题。在考虑到所有成员国已加入其他FTAs的基础上,重点考察RCEP对贸易本身可能产生的影响。世界贸易组织(WTO)最新的FTA情况和进出口数据表明,RCEP的关税减让将削弱现有FTA伙伴国提供给东盟的贸易优惠,同时将东盟国家的进口来源重新分配给生产效率更高的RCEP伙伴国。     

关于中日韩自贸区建设的理论与实证分析

中国、日本、韩国作为东北亚地区最具影响力的国家,在区域性贸易发展中起到了决定性的作用,为区域经济增长提供了强大的动力。然而,三国之间贸易互惠制度的缺失一定程度上制约了贸易发展的潜力。依照中日韩三国区域性贸易的实际发展状况,将经济规模、人口规模、运输距离以及贸易政策等变量设定为三国贸易发展水平的影响因素,进行回归分析,结果显示,贸易政策、人口和空间距离能够影响中日韩三国双边贸易,其中贸易政策是最重要的影响因素,中日韩三国自由贸易协定的缔结将促进区域内贸易的增长。     

构造区域全面经济伙伴关系协定——走向统一的地区架构

区域全面经济伙伴关系协定是东盟在美国积极推动跨太平洋伙伴关系协定背景下做出的战略性选择,这也是东亚合作多年来取得的重大突破。"东盟+1"自由贸易协定的横向比较分析表明,各自贸协定在投资条款上差异最小,货物贸易次之,服务贸易差异较大。如果以整合5个"东盟+1"自由贸易协定的方式推动RCEP谈判,RCEP可能在投资协定上先行突破。尽管中国面临谈判困难,基于中国的经济利益,中国有必要以积极的态度推动RCEP谈判。     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Britain,France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab–Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

Britain, France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

“印太战略”:以美印日澳的战略逻辑、利益与策略选择为分析视角

"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.