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1.
中国高僧与越南“少林寺”   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
从2003年9月到2004年8月,笔者有机会在越南学习一年.其间,为了撰写有关越南寺庙问题的博士论文,笔者对越南50多个寺庙进行了田野考察.考察的重点是寺庙的建筑结构、汉字匾联、汉字碑刻、佛像布局等,希冀从中窥探中越宗教文化交流的踪迹及特点.北宁省的"笔塔寺"是笔者重点考察的寺庙之一,该寺还有一个鲜为人知的别名,叫"少林寺".历史上中国两位高僧曾主持该寺,被奉为该寺的第一、二代祖师.  相似文献   

2.
李忠润,生于1937年7月,辽宁省辽阳县人.1962年毕业于吉林大学生物系生物化学专业.在中国农业科学院兰州兽医研究所工作至退休,是中国畜牧兽医学会生物技术分会第一、二届理事,硕士研究生导师,享受政府特殊津贴,1992年晋升为研究员.  相似文献   

3.
妈妈教我     
一 丽兹·埃里斯,34岁,澳大利亚落网球国家队队长,英联邦运动会奖牌得主,她还是一名资格律师,同时还经营一家青少年落网球训练俱乐部,还经常担任电视体育节目的评论员和客座主持人.  相似文献   

4.
“普京计划”和俄罗斯发展战略   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
"普京计划"是俄罗斯议会和总统大选前出台的一个政治概念.它既是2000年以来俄罗斯政府实施的一系列政治、经济、军事和社会发展政策的总和,又是保证最高权力平稳过渡和交接的一系列措施,更是俄罗斯"强国富民"的大国发展战略."普京计划"是"统一俄罗斯"党和总统正式结盟的纽带:政权党把"普京计划"作为最高政治纲领,确保普京离任后的"国家领袖"地位,普京则领导政权党参加议会大选实现一党占据绝对优势席住的目标."普京计划"使俄罗斯渡过"权力交接"困境,保证了俄罗斯大政方针和发展战略的可延续性,保证了最高权力交接的合法性以及精英阶层的稳定.  相似文献   

5.
The year 2019 marks the seventh anniversary of Shinzo Abe's return to office,alongside the administration's obsession with Constitutional amendment.During the 25th House of Councillors selection in July,Prime Minister Abe changed the rules applied for the four national elections in 2012,wrote the Self-Defense Forces into the Constitution and the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP)convention,and deliberately made the amendment a focal point of controversy in his election campaign.However,when the results of the election came out,the pro-amendment forces,with the LDP at their core,didn't reach the two-thirds majority threshold required for Constitutional revision.Going forwards,the Abe-led Liberal Democratic Party will strive to consolidate Constitutional amendment forces in the National Diet,hoping to cross the majority threshold,and at the same time to coerce opposition parties to comply with passing LDP draft revisions to the Constitution in the National Diet as soon as possible,in order to submit these to national referendum.In the meantime,preparatory works for this referendum are being carried out through the use of political resources to mobilize public support.Whether Abe can reach the political objective of Constitutional amendment during his current term of office and how the Constitutional issue in Japan will play out is sure to attract global attention.  相似文献   

6.
贵族风范     
20年前,我是澳洲一家报纸驻英国的记者.那时,我就发明了一种"地毯破旧程度指数"的方法.如果你想要在采访某个名人之前,先了解一下他是否拥有贵族背景,当然你可以先去查厚厚的<博柯贵族名册>,而我发明的则是一种简单适用的方法,那就是考察一下他们家大厅里的地毯状况,越是破旧的地毯,就越说明这个人非常时尚,家训渊源,颇具贵族风范.  相似文献   

7.
丁跃忠 《新青年》2008,(5):44-45
她是一个具有传奇色彩的女人,除了一致认同的漂亮聪颖之外,加在她头上的称谓也一直都那么引人注目:幼年时就离开了亲生父母,收养她的是著名民主人士章士钊;长大成人后,她成了毛泽东主席的英文老师,并涉足外交界;而她的丈夫,是曾担任外交部长的乔冠华.在她的一生中,这三位人物都对她产生了深刻的影响.她就是被称为"末代名媛"的章含之.十年春秋,相濡以沫,章乔之爱,难舍难分.  相似文献   

8.
居家的暹罗首相 我跳起来,整理裙子,拨好头发;只是,无论用清水或如何补妆,都无法除去那个忧郁和寂寞的夜晚在我脸上留下的阴影。我儿子一觉醒来.眼里流露出迫切的询问眼神,而且笑容灿烂,漾得头发也泛着亮光。我们靠着窗边跪在“天父”的跟前,我不禁懊恼地自问,难道非得用像我们那样痛苦的洗礼来净化如此年轻的心灵吗?  相似文献   

9.
满脑子的橄榄枝、雅典神庙和奥林匹克的火炬.或者梦想着希腊神话中的维纳斯和阿多尼斯重返人间,与你共度良宵……那么当你不得不像阿凡提一样骑着小毛驴儿来到自己的旅店时,希腊还是你梦寐以求的旅游胜地吗?毛驴儿,这就是希腊的旅游胜地Hydra岛的现实,也是你上岛后第一映入眼帘的景观.是大煞风景,还是喜出望外呢?Hydra岛上山路崎岖,毛驴儿物美价廉就理所当然地成了当地最佳的运输工具,不仅能搬运行李和游客,甚至有的时候还要充当其他你意想不到的角色.  相似文献   

10.
周盛从一家不景气经常开不出支的晨报,跳到电台,然后来到晚报,完成了爸爸要求的从底层来才知疾苦的锤炼.其实这几年,周盛倒觉得自己在热闹中,将父亲从事了一生的报纸出版业,冷眼看清.他不信仰亦不盲目,这是一份职业,亦不想如父亲当成所谓的事业,他只想做一名小记,好好活着.女友当然亦谈了几个,或者他并不曾清晰记得有过几多女友,因为往往还没走到可以亲吻的恋人关系,他已风清云淡,嬉笑着调侃了.  相似文献   

11.
China and Brazil established a strategic partnership in 1993. The bilateral ties have seen rapid development in almost all areas. However, there are eight myths surrounding the China-Brazil relations. These myths are the result of a lack of mutual understanding as well as the misconceptions result misconceptions of the western observers and media. These misunderstandings have of have jeopardized images of the China-Brazil relations and also hindered further development of their bilateral relationship.  相似文献   

12.
东北方言是东北文化的重要组成部分。东北方言的历史成因是由当地各民族语言文化相互融合而产生的。同时东北方言深受俄、日、韩等周边国家语言和文化的影响,其中日本语言文化对东北方言的影响最大。东北方言的形成也有其认知动因,隐含型东北方言和半隐含型东北方言是通过人类的隐喻和转喻思维得以体现。字面型东北方言也并非其构成因子字面意义的简单相加,其中蕴涵了人类的认知加工。东北方言多义性符合家族相似理论。  相似文献   

13.
Since the beginning of the 21st century, the overall rise of the Asian geographic plate has been particularly prominently. The overall rise of Asia reflects the improvement of a large number of developing countries in Asia. The long-occupied aggressive status of the United States and Europe is weakening, and the overall rise of Asia appears more highlighted, and its impact upon the world seems more intense.  相似文献   

14.
临床检查了牦牛和黄牛体内寄生的牛皮蝇蛆 ,其寄生率分别为 84.2 5 %和 70 .2 8% ,寄生强度分别为 18.3 2个和 2 .17个 ;剖杀检查牦牛 114头 ,寄生率为 10 0 % ,寄生强度为 71.66个。经鉴定 ,牛皮蝇的种类有牛皮蝇 (Hypodermabovis)、纹皮蝇 (H .lineatum )和中华皮蝇 (H .sinense) 3种。弄清了牛皮蝇各期幼虫在牛体内的寄生季节、寄生部位、移行动态、三期幼虫寄生方位、入土化蛹羽化规律、成蝇活动规律等。药物防治试验证明 ,Ivomec注射液和国产的阿福丁片均是杀灭牛皮蝇蛆的首选药物。  相似文献   

15.
the U.S. is directly impacting on the future of the East Asian community. Therefore, finding ways to get along with the U.S. is crucial to the speed, direction, configuration and character of the East Asian community. In this paper, the author has analyzed the interests of the United States in East Asia and its stands towards the East Asian integration. The author concludes that it is to the interest of the United States to make more efforts to further join in the East Asian integration. And East Asia should accept and welcome the American participation.  相似文献   

16.
Approaches to terrorism and peacebuilding have a complex relationship with each other, which may be explained according to four categories outlined in this article. These range from blocking each others’ aims, nullifying terrorism, supporting a very limited, or a broader peace process. Each of these categories has implications for the inclusion and reconciliation of a wide range of actors and the hybrid nature of the emerging peace. This relates to the critical approach of using theory to create emancipatory forms of peace, which is used as a basis for the examination of the production of hybridity via the interaction of approaches to terrorism and peacebuilding in five cases in this article. These include Sri Lanka, Kashmir, the Middle East, Nepal, and Northern Ireland. We argue that “post-liberal” possibilities for a hybrid form of peace (which are inherent in such conflicts) offer a “post-terrorist” potential for peace processes.  相似文献   

17.
The issue of terrorism has been a significant source of influence on the relationship between Iran and the U.S. since the Islamic Revolution. Iran's friendship with extremist groups that are designated as terrorist groups by the U.S. State Department is seriously challenging America's foreign policy. This article attempts to explore the prospect of confrontations on the issue of terrorism between Iran and the U.S. through a detailed analysis of their different interpretations and mutual recognitions of terrorism and through an in-depth analysis of the measures each party has taken regarding this confrontation. This article argues that the confrontation between Iran and the U.S. regarding the issue of terrorism is not strictly about terrorism. Rather, it is also about the conflicts of policies that result from different security interests and political values. Resolving the issue of terrorism depends on the reconciliation of the relationship between Iran and the U.S. Without mutual trust between the two nations, Iran will continue to support extremist groups in order to increase its influence against the external and internal pressures it is currently under, and the U.S. will continue to contain Iran's regional ambitions and seek changes in its behavior.  相似文献   

18.
Do semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes, however. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analysed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential subtypes in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on a par with parliamentarism and on some measures even better. President-parliamentary regimes, on the contrary, perform worse than all other regime types on most of our included measures. The results of this novel study provide a strong call to constitution makers to stay away from president-parliamentarism as well as against the idea of thinking about semi-presidentialism as a single and coherent type of regime.  相似文献   

19.
This study examines the role of television coverage in U.S. policy toward South Korea, focusing on the May 1980 Kwangji incident and the subsequent visit of South Korean president Chun Doo Hwan to the White House in February of 1981. It explores these two episodes in the context of major dimensions of U.S. policy toward Korea and the themes developed through sporadic, low‐level coverage of Korea by mainstream American media over the years. The analysis underscores the political impact of television's dramatic visual focus, its use of consistent visual images, its expansion of the geopolitical scope of the policy process, and its personalization of policy. The dramatically different public interpretations of the Kwangju incident and Chun visit in Korea versus the United States suggests that President Reagan's first major state visit, during which he declared that his administration would pursue “quiet diplomacy” on human rights in Korea, while successful within the United States and in the short term, was damaging over the long term.  相似文献   

20.
论全球化背景下的国际机制   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
于营 《东北亚论坛》2005,14(3):95-97
国际机制是国际社会中一系列规范与预期的汇集,它所体现的一整套原则、规则和决策程序使无序社会的有序化成为可能,并降低了国际合作成本,增加了交往的信赖度。当今的全球化为国际机制的发展开拓了新空间,同时也对其规范化与制度化提出了更高的要求。  相似文献   

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