从心理迹证观点建构系统化现场勘察模式

本文从犯罪现场为基础,并以环境犯罪学观点,自国外实证研究结果就个人层级(理性选择理论)、社会互动层级(犯罪型态理论)、社会层级(日常活动理论)三种不同层次探讨性侵害加害者的决策模式(decision-making model)、犯罪空间型态(spatial patterns)、作案手法(modus operandi)与...     

行政调解协议之强制执行力探析——基于效力位阶、政治传统、文化传统的视角

行政调解作为诉讼外替代性纠纷解决机制(ADR)的重要组成部分,对定纷止息、构建和谐社会有着显著的实践意义。然而,由于依法达成的行政调解协议不具备强制执行力,产生了权利人诉累增加、义务人违约成本低廉、行政资源和司法资源的双重浪费、行政机关专业技术优势无法发挥等问题,导致行政调解的优势难以发挥。鉴于此,首先应从效力位阶、政治传统、文化传统的视角分析行政调解协议的应然效力,然后就赋予行政调解协议强制执行力提出若干制度保障意见和程序建议。     

著作权法中的复制权研究

复制权是著作财产权的基础和核心,但复制的内涵却随着技术的发展而日趋扩张,从单纯的印刷复制到模拟复制再到数字复制,复制在技术面前迷失了本质。由于各国关于复制权的理论基础与立法结构不同,复制内涵的发掘更是莫衷一是。从激励理论看,复制是对作品形式的再现,是著作权人控制作品市场利益的手段之一,集中反映了复制件的非独创性与竞争性特点。认识这一特点对解决异形复制、自发复制和暂时复制等新型复制方式具有非常重要的意义。从非独创性与竞争性二维视角来看,新型复制方式产生的利益应该在竞争市场上以复制与创作为边界进行分配,从而在激励著作权人的前提条件下实现著作权人独占利益与公众利益的动态平衡,保证公众接近作品和著作权人行使独占权在著作权法中各得其所。     

失序与弹压:2011年英国骚乱之诱因与刑事法制的反应

2011年夏发生的英国骚乱具有深刻的社会政治经济、文化与种族背景,是各种反权威、反社会的合力的总体现。其直接导火索是少数族裔与执法部门之间因种族问题而导致的冲突,其后续发展反映了社会政治经济地位被"相对剥夺"了的下层民众与社会权威机构之间的矛盾。同时,骚乱活动又具有相当程度的盲目性、松散性与自发性。为了修补破碎的英国社会,单纯靠监狱、刑罚、警察与军队的暴力解决不了根本问题,因为刑罚的威慑力应该并且实际上是有限的。以这场骚乱为启示,缓解社会矛盾和维护社会稳定,一方面要解决社会贫富不均与不同利益群体之间的矛盾等深层问题,另一方面需要培养社会公众的、守法的、内在的道德抑制机制,提高法律和执政当局的权威和正当性。     

论营业转让的界定与规制

营业转让的客体是"组织化了的机能性财产"。营业转让与投资人对企业所享有的权益的转让不同,与企业合并不同,与重大资产转让不同。营业转让合同与买卖合同相似,应当参照适用有关买卖合同的规定。客体的独特性使得民商法需要就营业转让合同中的权利义务配置发展出特殊的规则,这些特殊规则主要涉及瑕疵的判断、已有债务的处理、劳动者保护、出让人的竞业禁止义务等方面。     

The Comeback and Prospect of the Taliban

In the ensuing two to three years after the downfall of the Taliban regime, there were comparatively few incidents of violence in Afghanistan and the situation was once relatively stable. The Karzai administration was gradually on the right track in its development and some progress was made in the process of economic and social reconstruction in Afghanistan. From 2005, however, the Taliban forces＇ attacks were on the rise and the security situation in Afghanistan constantly deteriorated. In the past three years, particularly since 2008, the capacity and activities of the Taliban forces grew tremendously and its area of control expanded incessantly. The comeback of the Taliban has become a reality.     

从相互协助到相互承认——欧盟刑事取证立法变迁探析

欧盟刑事取证立法建立在两个不同原则上,一是传统的相互协助基础上的立法,一是1999年坦佩雷会议后,相互承认基础上的立法;这两种立法在欧盟范围内并存。从未来发展看,相互承认基础上的立法将逐步取代相互协助基础上的立法。欧盟理事会2008年12月通过的《欧盟证据令》是欧盟在相互承认基础上取代原有刑事取证立法的第一步,对原有立法进行了制度性革新。欧盟刑事取证立法在取得显著进步的同时,在相互承认原则和公民基本权利保障等方面也面临着诸多挑战。     

Analysing Parliamentary Debate with Computer Assistance

The analysis of parliamentary debates is at the confluence of a number of developments in political science. What light can automated and semi‐automated techniques throw on such analysis? In this paper we compare two such approaches, one semi‐automated (Hamlet) and the other fully automated (Alceste). We use both approaches to identify the prominent themes in debate and to assess how far speakers who favour different positions adopt a distinct pattern of discourse. We seek to assess how far the two approaches yield convergent or divergent analyses. Selecting a second reading debate from the UK House of Commons on a private member's bill on abortion in July 1966, we are able to show similarities of analysis despite the detailed differences between the two approaches. In particular, the analysis in Hamlet al.lows identification of the extent to which individual speakers employ one type of vocabulary rather than another. Alceste is able to provide a statistical basis for the different classes of vocabulary that occur in the debate. However, the two programs rest upon quite different assumptions about the relationship between syntax and meaning, with implications for the practice of political science.     

When Investors Enjoy Less Policy Risk: Divided Government,Economic Policy Change,and Stock Market Volatility in Germany, 1970‐2005

How does divided government affect the probability of economic policy change, and thus policy risk on financial markets? In contrast to the standard balancing model we argue that divided government, i.e., partisan conflict between the executive and the legislative branches, negatively affects the possibility of economic policy change. Using a simple spatial model we demonstrate that one should expect divided government to increase the probability of policy gridlock. Since divided government reduces the probability of economic policy change, financial markets can operate under lower policy risk in times of divided than in periods of unified government. For the empirical evaluation we exploit the fact that stock return volatility provides us with a measure of risk. If the gridlock argument does hold, stock return fluctuations should be lower under divided than under unified government. Our results confirm that divided government has a volatility reducing effect on the German stock market. This supports the view that divided government lowers policy risk.     

当前东北亚安全困局及其“病灶”探析

2016年以来,因朝鲜第四次核试验及美韩宣布在韩国部署"萨德"反导系统,东北亚固有的安全困境更加突出,并引起相关国家及国际社会的进一步密切关注。就当前而论,东北亚安全困境具体表现为朝鲜在进行第四次核试验后,其核武器开发继续"跃马扬鞭";美韩以朝核威胁为由加强驻韩美军实力,包括不顾中俄强烈反对,决意在韩部署"萨德"反导系统;日本在进一步倚美的同时,趁势拉拢韩国,强化对华敌视政策,致使中日关系频现紧张;美国一方面以应对朝核威胁为由而加强其在东北亚的军事力量和"前沿部署",另一方面又极力拉紧美日韩同盟,其在东北亚遏制中俄的态势更趋明朗。东北亚安全局势持续紧张的深层次原因:一是由于东北亚国家间存在复杂的领土领海及历史纠葛,二是朝鲜半岛南北长期对立,三是日本在历史认知及其与东北亚邻国领土领海分歧等问题上长期采取顽固立场,四是美国搞"亚太再平衡",利用东北亚国家间的固有矛盾从中渔利,企图通过对华进行"局部遏制"而长期维持其在东北亚的同盟体系及霸权。未来东北亚安全困境是继续加深、激化还是逐步淡化,取决于上述深层次原因的演变方向。