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1.
当前东北亚地区扑朔迷离的形势可视为朝鲜核试验、萨德入韩以及美国的"亚洲回归"政策共同、交互作用的结果。美国的"亚洲回归"以及转而实施"亚太再平衡"政策其旨在应对中国的崛起,对中国进行"战略封锁"。在此背景下,朝鲜核试验(第四、五次)、朝鲜频繁的导弹试射、韩国部署萨德系统等破坏了东北亚既存的和平共处和战略均衡局面,大有使韩美日和朝中俄回归到"冷战式对立"之势,东北亚可能再现"新冷战"格局,地区"安全困境"也将日趋严峻。本文认为,美国积极推进"萨德入韩"的根本动因在于:一方面向日益紧密的中韩关系打入楔子,另一方面要实现对中俄的战略遏制。韩国同意部署萨德本身,一方面是没有充分认识到它的负面影响,另一方面则是明显的战略误判。"萨德入韩"使得半岛局势急转直下的同时,也使得半岛成为东北亚各国回归传统战略博弈的主战场。中国之所以对韩国同意部署萨德的行为产生怀疑并敏感的反应,原因在于萨德系统不能有效应对朝鲜的攻击,而是为了弥补美国应对中国的导弹防御系统(MD)的缺口。从这种意义上说,部署萨德的负面影响将日益凸显:一是它并不能减少朝鲜的安全威胁,反而有可能刺激朝鲜而使得韩国更加不安全;二是中韩关系将因此严重受损,两国政治、经济、人文交流与合作必将受到冲击;三是东北亚地区将可能再次回归到两极对立状态,朝鲜半岛的安全困境将日益深化。  相似文献   

2.
朴槿惠政府和文在寅政府在部署"萨德"问题上的政策均经历了摇摆的过程,后来都倾向同意部署,主要受美、朝、国内政治三方面因素的影响:一是美国为确保对中俄战略优势地位而刻意强力推动,二是朝鲜加快核导开发步伐及朝韩关系日益紧张,三是韩国民众视安全问题高于一切且保守势力积极推动。韩国"萨德"政策的变化,反映出其外交政策从试图在美国和中俄之间保持平衡向依赖韩美同盟倾斜。由于美韩将"萨德"与朝核问题挂钩,撤销部署的难度很大。"萨德"部署牵动地区国家关系演变,给朝核问题解决、南北关系走向以及半岛和平稳定带来负面影响。  相似文献   

3.
朝鲜第四次和第五次核试验搅动了东北亚局势,美韩借此蓄谋部署"萨德",严重增加了区域紧张,导致了区域失衡。朝核与"萨德"根源在于朝鲜半岛区域公共产品的缺失,这一缺失主要源于朝鲜半岛政治经济结构的两大矛盾:"安美经中"的二元结构分裂与竞争;"南融北斥"的南北结构失衡。构建朝鲜半岛区域公共产品,概有三个努力方向:力推美朝与南北关系正常化,构建中美朝韩四国外长会晤机制、中美朝韩四国首脑峰会;力推朝鲜半岛无核化,签署和平协议,构建中美朝韩共同治理和平委员会;力推半岛南北平衡发展,在"一带一路"战略框架下促成中朝自贸区。进而在此基础上,搭建一个强有力的制约性整合平台,即中美朝韩四国共管的朝鲜半岛区域合作组织——"跨半岛联合体"。"跨半岛联合体"不仅面临区域公共产品构建的共有困境,同时面临东北亚秩序的特有困局,若要破解这些困境,中美需将"新型大国关系"机制化、推动双边同盟体系转型和构筑"共同外部威胁"意识,同时借鉴东盟与上海合作组织等模式,组建一套完备的"跨半岛联合体"体系,以共建、共享朝鲜半岛安全、和平与发展。  相似文献   

4.
朝鲜半岛局势与东北亚可持续安全   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2016年伊始,朝鲜进行了第四次核试验,美韩联合军演规模扩大,朝鲜半岛局势再度出现"痉挛性紧张",东北亚安全蒙上一层阴影。联合国安理会通过2270号决议能否促使朝鲜重返"六方会谈"难以预料,而美国欲在韩国部署"萨德"导弹系统则遭到中俄坚决反对,东北亚安全与地缘政治格局增加了新的复杂性与变数。朝核问题的关键是美朝双方都坚信只有拥有足以毁灭对方的军事威慑力量才能获取本国的安全。然而,这种相同思维逻辑事实上已导致朝鲜半岛无核化与和平稳定的努力屡受挫折,一旦发生战争将是整个朝鲜民族的一场浩劫。在历史的重要关头,有关各国应该树立可持续安全观,寻求新的努力方向。在东北亚构筑共同安全、综合安全、合作安全与可持续安全的安全共同体,或许才是朝鲜半岛无核化与和平稳定的未来出路。  相似文献   

5.
今年年初以来,随着韩国军方与乐天集团完成“换地”、美国将“萨德”系统部件运抵韩国,“萨德”入韩正式进入落实阶段.据韩媒透露,美韩两国已商定加快步伐、力争于5月上旬韩国大选前完成“萨德”部署.①在韩国部署“萨德”是美国以“四两拨千斤”的巧实力搞乱东北亚局势、收紧对华围堵的狠招,除实质加强对华战略侦察监视外,还能在整合本国同盟体系的同时离间中韩关系,达到“一箭三雕”的目的.引“萨德”入韩的“主谋”虽然是美国,但一个巴掌拍不响,“萨德”部署有深层的韩国因素,与以朴槿惠政府为代表的韩国执政保守势力主动谋划、积极配合分不开.  相似文献   

6.
试论中美韩三角关系   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
随着美韩最终选择部署"萨德"反导系统,东北亚安全形势趋向紧张,这使中美韩战略三角关系更加不平衡,美韩在安全上更加倾向迪特默所谓的"稳定婚姻"三角关系类型,中美韩三角关系正处于循环下行状态。因此,必须思考并发挥三国在解决东北亚安全困局中的作用。美方需要调整其东北亚政策背后防范、牵制和制衡中国的逻辑思维,韩国则需要反思其在安全政策上与美国习惯性"捆绑"的做法,中国需要以更大的战略积极性和主动性引导半岛无核化进程。同时,三国也可以通过多种交流平台、对话方式来推动中美韩三边战略对话议程。总之,中美韩需要在推动东北亚和平发展的蓝图上寻找超越现实主义思维的更高共识,只有积极探索、讨论和实践这些共识才能培养出包容、互谅的东北亚政治环境和"三人共处"式中美韩三角关系。  相似文献   

7.
2016年7月世界大事综述如下: 一、美韩宣布在半岛部署“萨德”系统.8日,美韩正式对外宣布,决定在驻韩美军基地部署“萨德”(THAAD,末段高空区域防御系统).13日,韩政府宣布,“萨德”将部署在该国东南部庆尚北道星州郡,购买、部署及运行费用将由美军方面担负.“萨德”是目前唯一能在大气层内和大气层外拦截弹道导弹的陆基高空远程反导系统.美韩明言“萨德”针对朝鲜,从而引致后者强烈反应.  相似文献   

8.
2006年朝鲜核试验,引发了人们对东亚核扩散的进一步担忧。鉴于韩国核发展与朝鲜核发展的紧密关联,本文对当前韩国核发展的激励因素和限制因素进行了探讨,并试图对未来韩国核发展的可能做出判断。本文的基本观点是:韩国核发展的激励因素主要是,朝鲜目前的核发展、韩国的核技术基础和工业能力、韩国的自主防务、以及对日本核发展的担忧;韩国核发展的限制因素主要是,朝韩关系的改善、韩国的民主政治和美韩同盟。其中,关韩同盟的约束作用最为重要。虽然目前的美韩同盟出现一些不和谐的声音,但总体来看,美韩同盟仍很牢固。因此,短期来看,韩国的核发展仍在韩国政府的决策议程之外。  相似文献   

9.
美国和韩国不顾中国、俄罗斯的坚决反对,执意在韩推进“萨德”部署进程,致使本已紧张的半岛局势进一步升级.在整个事态的发展过程中,极少有人关注朝鲜方面如何看待“萨德”,更多的人和舆论报道倾向认同,“朝鲜因素”或者“朝鲜不断增大的核导威胁”是促使美韩执意推进“萨德”部署进程的始作俑者,或者是根本缘由.鉴此,笔者拟从朝方关于美在韩部署“萨德”的评论切入,就朝方在“萨德”问题上的态度与立场做一梳理与分析,或许有助于了解事情的本来面貌与演变进程.  相似文献   

10.
美国对朝鲜半岛的政策是其亚太战略的重要组成部分。基于中美亚太主导权竞争的需要,美国极力谋求削弱中国在朝鲜半岛的影响,为此采用了楔子战略,意在对中朝、中韩关系进行双重分化。美国分化中朝关系主要采取"以压促变"的方式,对中朝进行"拉打结合"的区别对待,不断加剧中朝两国内部的矛盾,使得朝鲜成为中国的战略负担而非战略资产。对于分化中韩关系而言,美国在经济方面采取签署美韩FTA、拉拢韩国加入TPP和阻止韩国加入亚投行等方式的效果有限,而在安全方面的楔子战略相对更加有效,"萨德"入韩便是明显的例证。美国在朝鲜半岛谋求双重分化的楔子战略加剧了朝鲜半岛局势的复杂性,也使得中美战略竞争加剧,导致东北亚分化更加严重。  相似文献   

11.
A heated debate over the rise of China has been going on unabated in the international community for nearly two decades. However, with the elapse of time, the initial divergence of views in the mainstream opinion has gradually diminished and the gap in China policy among nations has likewise narrowed down. Instead, reason and a realistic approach have eventually taken center stare.  相似文献   

12.
布什政府上台以来,始终未能阻止朝鲜拥核步伐.朝核试后,美对朝政策有了新的调整,六方会谈得以复会.但美朝双方受各自国家利益和政策目标的限制,在朝鲜半岛无核化问题上的尖锐分歧难以解决,朝核危机仍存在再度升级的可能.  相似文献   

13.
This article argues for the confirmation of Marxist philosophy as the ideology that guides international relations (IR) studies in China. Justification comes through the following points. According to Marxism, correct theoretical guidance serves as the prerequisite for correct practice. Marxist philosophy embodies, by nature, righteousness, in opposition to political hegemony. Accordingly, practice under its guidance represents fruitful revolutionary realism. Finally, advanced studies of international relations in this country cannot be separated from philosophical thinking. Using these arguments as background, this article specifically advocates materialism, patriotism, and service to the people as the corner-stone of China's IR theory building.  相似文献   

14.

Citizens in democracies are expected to make better decisions if they understand policy tradeoffs. However, politicians rarely have incentives to communicate them; citizens are uncomfortable choosing among valued outcomes; and devising a common metric is difficult. It is not surprising that in the United States the environment provides relatively little cuing or priming of tradeoffs in television news. Russian citizens, on the other hand, face a media environment in which tradeoff cuing is intentionally suppressed by owners' agendas, yet viewers detect concealed tradeoffs even in the absence of tradeoff priming and viewpoint diversity. Analysis of discourse among ordinary Russians in 16 focus groups convened in four cities, differentiated by political reform and media market environments, showed that when watching news in which tradeoffs are thoroughly concealed, viewers challenge stories by offering a broad spectrum of uncued tradeoffs. Tradeoffs come from diverse policy domains and represent a range of cognitive strategies, some of which are considerably more abstract than others and link elements of their observations and assumptions (together with what they can extract from the stories) into complex reasoning outcomes.  相似文献   

15.
There may be more than one year to go before the 2008 U.S. presidential election, but the primary election of the two parties has already begun ahead of time. Both the Democratic and Republican candidates for the  相似文献   

16.
In this paper, the author has made a thorough study over the new generation of American China Watchers. Most of the pages are devoted to a detailed comparison between the old generation and the young generation of American China Watchers regarding to their background, education, and views over China. At the end of the paper, the author also gives some policy suggestions for both the Chinese and U.S. government based on the findings in this study.  相似文献   

17.
正Chapter I General Rules Article 1 The Chinese Association for International Understanding is a national non-governmental organization(NGO)in the People’s Republic of China.Article 2 The official name of the Association is"Zhong Guo Guo Ji Jiao Liu Xie Hui"in Chinese,or"Jiao Liu Xie Hui"for short.Its English translation is"Chinese Association for International Understanding",and abbreviated as"CAFIU".  相似文献   

18.
Guide to Authors     
《中国国际问题研究》2014,(1):I0002-I0002
正Published by China Institute of International Studies,China International Studies is China’s first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation.The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on China’s diplomacy,international politics and international relations under such columns as China’s Diplomacy,International Relations,International Politics,International Security,Regional Issues and World Economy.  相似文献   

19.
正I was born in a doctor’s family in a village in Heze,Shandong Province.Since the ancient times,Heze has been home to many painters and literature masters due to the influence of Confucianism.My grandfather and greatgrandfather were both good at calligraphy,not least to mention their medical skills.Even by now,senior people in our village still praise them for it.Both of them had deceased before I was born.  相似文献   

20.
正At the invitation of the Chinese Association for International Understanding(CAFIU),a 6-member Australian and New Zealand’s Rotary Club delegation visited China from September 23 to September 27.As a staff member of CAFIU,I had the honor to take part in the reception of the delegation throughout this trip.  相似文献   

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