20世纪60年代美国政府应对青年反战思潮的方式及其启示

20世纪60年代,美国政府对青年反战思潮的不同应对方式产生了不同的结果:谎言和暴行使青年反战思潮激化,而法治传统所蕴涵的宽容精神则使青年和社会的矛盾趋于缓和.它启示我们,宽容是实现社会和谐稳定的介质.     

美国宪法性刑事诉讼法：意旨、构造与启示

美国宪法性刑事诉讼法是美国联邦最高法院以宪法文本及宪政精神为理据,在特定的刑事诉讼案件的裁判过程中,经由司法判决而延伸出来的一套基本权保障与救济机制。它与宪法存在紧密关系,但又与宪法不同构,有着自身的意旨与构造。西法可鉴,研究美国宪法性刑事诉讼法对当前我国刑诉法研究的纵深发展有很大的启示。     

论宪法效力的终极依据

在法律的效力链条中,宪法常常被置于效力的终端。但是,宪法本身的效力依据,却是一个值得追问的终极性问题。宪法序言,就是宪法效力的终极依据。中国宪法序言是通过＂历史＂向宪法提供了终极性的效力依据或正当性依据。相比之下,美国宪法序言是通过＂契约＂向美国宪法提供了终极性的效力依据。     

Gender Differences in the Educational Expectations of Urban,Low-Income African American Youth: The Role of Parents and the School

This study examined how youths’ gender is related to the educational expectations of urban, low-income African American youth, their parents, and their teachers. As predicted, African American boys (ages 9–16) reported lower expectations for future educational attainment than did their female counterparts. Parents and teachers also reported lower expectations for African American boys (ages 6–16) than for girls. These findings held even when controlling for academic achievement. Contrary to predictions, the magnitude of the difference in expectations for males vs. females did not increase as a function of youths’ age. In keeping with our hypotheses, parental expectations fully mediated the relation between youths’ gender and youths’ expectations. Finally, certain school-based factors (i.e., positive teacher expectations and positive youth perceptions of the school environment) appeared to protect youths’ expectations from the deleterious impact of low parental expectations.

美国印第安学校中学女生的未来——基于"可能自我"的个案研究

本质化研究以美国中学的四位印第安女生为个案,重点阐释了她们的中学课堂受教经历对其今后成长的影响。本文采用可能自我理论,对访谈资料进行了审视和分析,所涉主题包括学校问题、教师、关系的重要性及未来计划这样四大方面。结果表明,可能自我理论有助于人们理解这些中学女生是怎样看待她们自己和筹划她们未来的,同时也为解决和预防中学生的辍学问题,提供了一种可能的路径。     

走向双重维度的研究——德美法学教育的研究性及其启示

研究性教学旨在通过学生主体参与,培养学生理论研究与创新工作的能力。德美法学教育改革中逐步凸显的理论指向与实践指向平衡发展的研究性教学,对我国当前的法学教育深有启迪。借鉴德美研究性教学经验,发展适合我国法学本科研究性教学的具体模式,将为完善我国当前的本科法学教育提供新的思考。     

Democracy,human rights,and U.S.‐Africa trade

The nexus of economic and political relations is a central issue in international relations, and the influence of political liberalization upon trade ties lies at the center of much liberal theory. However, many facets of the empirical linkage between political liberalization—including democratization and the respect for human rights—and trade remain uninvestigated. Examining the case of U.S.‐Africa trade, this study considers two unexplored facets of these political determinants of trade: (1) the role of human rights conditions, and (2) the robustness of the relationship between democracy, human rights, and trade across a subset of vertical dyads. Using a gravity model to assess trade patterns, we find that neither democracy nor human rights conditions has a significant impact upon U.S. trade to Africa.     

Buying treaties with cigarettes: Internal side‐payments in two level games

Two‐level games models predict that domestic division within a state can alter the extent to which that state is able to reach agreements with other states, and also alter the content of any agreement that is reached. I extend the model by introducing internal side‐payments composed of unrelated domestic issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation most when the executive and median legislators are in relative agreement about other salient domestic political issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation least when the executive and median legislators are in relative disagreement about other salient domestic political issues. U.S. ratifications of the NAFTA and the Chemical Weapons Convention illustrate that not all types of domestic division inhibit international cooperation—some can facilitate it     

职务犯罪秘密侦查制度比较研究

域外各国职务犯罪秘密侦查的立法情况及其基本特点,给我国职务犯罪中秘密侦查手段的使用提供了许多有益的启示:一是要排除职务犯罪不能使用秘密侦查手段的观念;二是要通过立法明确授权职务犯罪侦查部门使用秘密侦查手段;三是要严格适用条件;四是要建立对秘密侦查手段使用的监督体系。     

When Art and Commerce Collide: Colorization and the Moral Right

ABSTRACT

This article challenges the dominant framework that drives US public diplomacy initiatives and insists that, short of major structural changes, US public diplomacy lacks ethical legitimacy. Based on a review of past US public diplomacy practices, the article finds that these efforts were mainly characterized by a one-way flow of information and an emphasis on image management. Using the theories of hegemony, American exceptionalism, Orientalism, and cultural imperialism, the author lays a theoretical framework for analyzing public diplomacy. The author suggests that, for public diplomacy to move beyond propaganda, it needs to incorporate two-way communication and symmetry.