习近平国家制度与法律制度思想论要

习近平国家制度与法律制度思想是马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化进程的最新重大理论成果,实现了马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化的第三次历史性飞跃。面对许多具有新的历史特点的伟大斗争,习近平以马克思主义的巨大理论勇气和坚韧行动意志,从历史与现实、理论与实践的有机结合上,深入分析了推进当代中国国家制度与法律制度建设的重大意义,精辟阐释了中国特色社会主义国家制度与法律制度的深厚历史文化底蕴,明确作出了改革开放以来中国国家制度建设的“两个划时代”的重大判断,深刻论述了法治对于国家治理现代化的重要依托作用,悉心把握当代中国国家制度与法律制度建设的国情条件,形成了思想深刻、内容丰富、逻辑严密、体系完整的国家与法的理论体系,为当代中国马克思主义国家与法的学说的创新发展作出了原创性的贡献。     

Social Democracy's Muted Revival

After a long malaise, social democracy is making a muted revival. What is the place of social democracy in the political and economic order that is emerging from the Covid-19 pandemic, and the economic crisis that has followed in its wake? Patterns have begun to emerge across the party family that are indicative of how social democracy is defining itself for the period to come. This article briefly surveys the revival of social democracy in three countries that have been historic bastions of the creed: Germany, Britain and Australia. It considers three particularly potent trends in this social democratic moment that reveal the movement's current character and the challenges it faces: building an ongoing coalition amid changing electorates; seeking transformation in an era of constraint; and a lack of ideological coherence. It considers what this muted resurgence suggests about the prospects for the centre-left.     

Defending the Egyptian nation: national unity and Muslim attitudes toward the Coptic minority

This article discusses the Muslim discourse concerning the Coptic Christian minority since the 2000s in Egypt. Emphasizing the effects of the January 2011 uprising, the paper analyzes the role of nationalism and the national unity discourse in suppressing the debate regarding discrimination against the Copts. Despite the fissures that were created in the discourse, which rejects any reference to discrimination against the Copts, the Coptic issue remains trapped among the contested interpretations of national unity. All narratives of national unity and Egyptian essence, whether the official one pursued by the regime or the one promoted by pro-democracy activists, require the Copts to suppress their demand for rights for the sake of national unity. Adherence to the national unity discourse by all forces precludes the possibility of developing a form of nationalism or a national culture which embodies pluralism of identities and cultures and reinforces the role of nationalism as a tool for stifling pluralism and democracy for all Egyptians, whether Muslim majority or minorities.     

刑事被害人当事人化的反思与制度重构

刑事被害人当事人化的实质是犯罪损害追诉方式的公私合一,该制度设计混淆了公益和私益两种不同性质的诉讼,导致两种权益保护相互冲突进而对刑事司法结果公正造成负面影响。公私分离是刑事被害人去当事人化的当然制度选择,其立法对策主要包括在刑事立法中确立被害人为特殊诉讼参与人、废除被害人在刑事审判中就定罪量刑发表意见的权利、废止被害人刑事自诉权和切断其引起刑事二审、再审的程序路径。同时需要完善相关配套举措,如允许被害人对其物质和精神损害单独提起民事诉讼、完善精神损害赔偿制度、建立刑事被害人国家补偿制度等。     

Repackaging national identity: Cool Japan and the resilience of Japanese identity narratives

‘Cool Japan’ is an instance of Japanese government's nation branding exercise as part of its soft power projection in which the unique selling point is identified as Japanese national identity. In this paper, I examine the relationship between Cool Japan and Japanese national identity and highlight a tension in the construction. Cool Japan is about emphasizing Japan's attractiveness for public diplomacy, while the top-down nature of the branding undermines the imagery that the branding is designed to convey. I show that policy elites resolve this tension by invoking the traditional Japanese identity narratives that construct Japan into both a non-Western and an un-Asian entity, reproducing the myth of Japanese uniqueness. I argue that the elite narratives surrounding Cool Japan readily replicate the language reminiscent of prewar identity construction. Despite the contemporary popularity of manga and anime, the purported ‘coolness’ of these products are framed within older constructions of Japanese Self that can trace their pedigree back to the nineteenth century. Using the minutes of committee meetings, policy documents, as well as media interviews given by policy- and business elites, I show that Cool Japan is effectively a twenty first century rendition of the familiar Japanese identity construction.     

Small winners and big losers: strategic party behaviour in the 2017 Dutch general election

Abstract

This article analyses party strategies during the campaign for the Dutch general election of March 2017, making use of issue-yield theory. It investigates whether parties strategically emphasise high-yield issues, by juxtaposing the issue opportunities provided by voters with parties’ issue emphasis during the campaign. More specifically, it asks whether parties strategically emphasised issues that were expected to reward them electorally. Analysing voter preferences and party campaign data, it is found that parties and most of their constituencies show high ideological consistency, that parties emphasise mostly positional issues and thus choose a conflict-mobilising strategy, and that most parties emphasise high-yield issues rather than following the general political agenda. Four small parties that won significantly behaved strategically while the social democrats – who severely lost – hardly did. The findings imply that the issue-yield framework can help to explain the election result in the fragmented Dutch multi-party context.     

文化融入策略与恐怖组织的认同

恐怖组织的认同构建过程可分为三个阶段：个体恐怖分子在群体中找到自我、组织内部同一性的构建以及组织一致对外的恐怖主义活动。在整个认同构建过程中，始终贯穿着恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾，具体表现为：第一阶段，潜在恐怖分子在主流文化中认同受挫，转而寻求加入恐怖组织。第二阶段，恐怖组织以自身所处的宗教文化为基础，构建其组织文化，并积极通过各种方式加深组织成员对这一文化的认同，但与此相对，恐怖组织外群体却很难认同其组织文化。第三阶段，恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾持续激化，最终导致恐怖组织采取一致对外的恐怖主义活动。通过“伊斯兰国”作为案例，对上述恐怖组织的认同过程进行分析后发现，“伊斯兰国”的“成功”是与其“成功”的文化融入策略密切相关，而其在阿富汗的受挫，在很大程度上也是由于文化融入策略“失当”所导致的，即“伊斯兰国”在阿富汗不但无力完成与塔利班的竞争，而且无法解决组织面临的跨文化冲突问题。因此，在打击“伊斯兰国”等暴恐极端势力时，关注文化融入策略的影响并有针对性地采取对策，具有重要意义和价值。     

皮埃尔·诺拉的“记忆之场”与国族认知——兼论《普鲁斯特之<追忆似水年华>》

20世纪80年代后，学界的“记忆”研究逐渐兴起。法国当代史学名家皮耶?诺哈主编的多卷本《记忆之场》引领了这一潮流，将之聚焦于富有象征意味的“记忆之场”上。诺哈区分了“记忆”与“历史”，指出了“记忆”的“场所”具有的物质性、功能性与象征性，并以庞大的篇幅建构了法国国族自我认知的社会史。其中，孔帕尼翁的《普鲁斯特之<追忆似水年华>》将普鲁斯特及其作品视为一种“记忆之场”，探讨了“泛普鲁斯特学”、成为“法国伟大作家”的普鲁斯特及其成功的社会基础，将“普鲁斯特”这类“建构之象征物”纳入到“法国之所以成为法国”的研究中，表明其保证了一种集体性的、文化与身份认同的再生产；该文也代表了作品研究的另一种进入方式。     

日本古写经文献的编辑出版实践与策略——以《日本古写经善本丛刊》为例

日本古写经主要指奈良、平安、镰仓时期,即刊本大藏经之前在日本书写或转写的佛经资料。目前,日本古写经的现代化编辑与数据库建设主要是由日本国际佛教学大学院大学日本古写经研究所主持开展的,自2006年以来,该单位陆续出版《日本古写经善本丛刊》九辑。丛刊编校精善,是研究日本古写经文本特征、流传情况、宗教机能的重要学术资料。丛刊编辑出版的成功实践归功于其编辑策略,即贯彻系统综合的编辑方针、偏重学术研究的编辑倾向和整合数字资源的编辑意识。对《日本古写经善本丛刊》的出版状况进行梳理,对其编辑策略进行探讨,这项工作可以为新时代古籍文献的整理出版提供新思路,有助于日本古写经这一宝贵的域外汉籍文献的挖掘、回归、传播与研究。     

对外依存与中国外交的战略自主

改革开放四十年,中国经济得到长足发展,与此同时也带来了对外依存度偏高的风险,而经济上的对外依存与战略自主之间存在密切的相互影响关系。回顾一些大国的对外战略可以看出,相互依存直接影响对外战略,对外依存度过高会导致战略自主性的下降,从而极大缩减战略选项,甚至在一些关键节点不得不诉诸战略冒险。中国的对外依存与战略自主的关系也经历了复杂的演变过程。新中国成立后,中国一度采取"一边倒"的对外政策,在一定程度上影响了战略自主。改革开放之后,中国经济对外部市场、技术和能源的依存度不断上升,也在一定程度上限制了中国对外战略的全面自主发展。因此,中国的大国战略必须在外向与内顾、国际与国内之间保持适当的平衡,更为合理地协调对外依存与战略自主之间的关系,将全面深度改革开放与全方位外交布局紧密联系在一起。唯其如此,中国未来的大国外交才能行稳致远。