British Campaigns for Solidarity with Argentina and Chile

The Chile solidarity movement persuaded British Labour governments (1974–1979) to introduce a range of measures against the Pinochet regime. But campaigners lobbying against the Argentine dictatorship (1976–1983) had less impact on policy. Neither these Labour governments nor the subsequent Conservative government imposed any sanction on the Argentine dictatorship, until the invasion of the Falkland Islands. This article explores why in Britain – and Europe – the Chile campaign had greater public appeal than the Argentina solidarity campaigns. It identifies a number of common factors across Europe which explain why the anti-Pinochet cause generated more support than the Argentina campaign.     

Correction to: Age Patterns in Risk Taking Across the World

Journal of Youth and Adolescence - In the original publication, the legends for Figs 4 and 5 were incorrect, such that each regression line was mislabeled with the incorrect country. Below are the...     

Between morality and rationality: framing end-of-life care policy through narratives

This paper analyzes the nature of the debate generated prior to the implementation of the Act Respecting End-of-Life Care in 2015 in Québec (Canada). Including medical assistance in dying (MAID) along existing palliative care services, the act is an important policy change on a very sensitive issue. As such, MAID could be categorized as a morality policy issue, the latter being defined as a particular category of policy because of its specific features (issues of first principle, technical simplicity, high salience, public interest, and public participation). In line with Mucciaroni’s proposition, we rather analyze this issue by understanding morality policy as one of two framing strategies (moral and/or rational-instrumental frame). Our research reconstructs four public opinion framings as advanced and transmitted through the media between 2005 and 2015. It shows that although opponents to the bill unsurprisingly framed the debate in deontological terms, mostly referring to sanctity of life as one of the most important values in society, they also framed it on rational-instrumental grounds in a similar proportion, alleging the danger of a slippery slope and potential abuse. As well, if some of the proponents favored a moral framing centered on the argument that dignity and individual autonomy take precedence over all other values, others put forward a rational-instrumental one, where the slippery slope/abuse argument is used as a cautionary statement against the artificial prolongation of life. Our analysis reinforces Mucciaroni’s and Ferraiolo’s assertions that sensitive issues classified as morality policy cannot be apprehended solely through the unidimensional frame of morality.     

Regulating genetically modified crops and foods in Canada and the United Kingdom: Democratizing risk regulation

Abstract: This article examines the alternate use of models of representative, functional and citizen‐centred participatory democracy in the formulation of policies to regulate the risks of genetically modified crops and foods in the United Kingdom and Canada. It demonstrates that representative, functional and participatory democracy have all played a role in the United Kingdom; functional democracy has been ascendant in Canada, with representative democracy playing a secondary role. These cross‐national differences derive from the greater imperative for regulatory legitimacy in the U.K., and the Canadian pre‐occupation with regulatory effectiveness. The result is a more transparent U.K. regulatory framework that provides representation of a broader range of public values and concerns than in Canada. Sommaire: Cet article examine les différentes utilisations de modèles de démocratie représentative, fonctionnelle et axée sur les citoyens dans la formulation de politiques destinées à réglementer les risques associés aux cultures et aliments génétiquement modifiés au Royaume‐Uni et au Canada. Il démontre que les démocraties représentatives, fonctionnelles et participatives ont toutes joué un rôle au Royaume‐Uni; la démocratie fonctionnelle a dominé au Canada, tandis que la démocratie représentative y a joué un rôle secondaire. Ces différences transnationales proviennent du plus grand impératif de légitimité de la réglementation au R.‐U., et de la préoccupation canadienne de l'efficacité de la réglementation. Le résultat est un cadre de réglementation plus transparent au R.‐U. qui représente un plus vaste éventail de valeurs et de préoccupations publiques qu'au Canada.     

Exploring technology business incubators and their business incubation models: case studies from China

The Journal of Technology Transfer - This paper explores Technology Business Incubators (TBIs) and their chosen Business Incubation Models. The business models of TBIs have been largely ignored or...