回归法律规范:刑事值班律师制度适用问题再反思

目前我国刑事值班律师制度规范背后折射出有权机关抑制辩方权利的倾向。根据法律规范意旨,只要被追诉人没有辩护人,国家就应“强制指派”值班律师介入案件。将“约见”解读为国家指派值班律师需以被追诉人申请为前提,这混淆了律师会见与介入案件的关系,且将国家责任转嫁给个人,弱化了对被追诉人获得最低限度法律援助权利的保障。相关规范性文件将值班律师阅卷权能限定为“查阅”,但基于法律援助法第37条的文义、控辩平等之程序公正底线要求等因素,值班律师阅卷权能还应包括“摘抄”“复制”。《法律援助值班律师工作办法》第10条第2款规定,值班律师有量刑异议时,只要其认可犯罪嫌疑人认罪认罚的自愿性,就应在具结书上签字。这是对值班律师功能“见证化”的公开宣示,与2018年刑事诉讼法第201条的意旨以及值班律师实质性参与量刑协商的改革要求相矛盾。值班律师应被赋予拒绝签字的权利。“实质性参与”应是目前完善值班律师制度的基本方向。     

Does Moderation Pay in a Consociational Democracy? The Marginalisation of the SDLP in the North of Ireland

A central question in the debate between “centripetalists” and “consociationalists” concerns whether power‐sharing arrangements provide incentives for moderation. This article helps to formulate an empirical answer through an examination of the electoral decline of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) following the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in the North of Ireland. Drawing on primary qualitative interviews with key players, this article argues that the SDLP were electoral losers under a system of ethnic out‐flanking. Sinn Féin has successfully presented itself as the “greener” and more robust representative of nationalist interests, whilst simultaneously moderating its message and operating the institutions of Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin has taken ownership of the GFA and has positioned itself as the party best able to ensure its delivery. Sinn Féin’s rights‐based agenda, and vibrant electoral machine, has resonated with the nationalist electorate who are less sure of what the contemporary SDLP stands for.     

中国特色社会主义法治理论:思想根基、主要特性与学科定位

中国特色社会主义法治理论作为中国特色社会主义法治体系的理论化表达,作为一种新型的理论形态,可以从三个方面来认知。首先,从思想源流来看,马克思主义法律思想是中国特色社会主义法治理论的思想根基。其次,从理论个性来看,中国特色社会主义法治理论的主要特性包括中国性、政治性与学术性。从学科定位来看,中国特色社会主义法治理论既是法学学科体系中的一个组成部分,同时也代表了法治理论谱系中的一种最新形态。把握中国特色社会主义法治理论的思想根基、主要特性与学科定位,既是创新和发展中国特色社会主义法治理论的前提,也是坚持和完善中国特色社会主义法治体系的前提。     

高校青年教师的情绪劳动会导致过劳吗？ ——中介及调节变量的检验

高校青年教师的情绪劳动是否会造成过劳,对个人健康、组织运行和社会发展均具有重要影响。研究探讨情绪劳动对过度劳动的作用机理和影响路径,验证情绪劳动是否通过职业紧张的中介作用对过度劳动产生影响,并检验组织支持感在两者之间的调节作用。研究结果表明:情绪劳动对职业紧张和过度劳动都有着显著的正向影响,职业紧张在情绪劳动与过度劳动之间起部分中介作用,组织支持感在情绪劳动因素之一的表层扮演与过度劳动之间起负向调节作用。     

新时代中国特色社会主义语境中的服务型政府建设

党的十九大报告中已经明确提出了要大力加强“建设人民满意的服务型政府”,为此,新时代中国特色社会主义对服务型政府建设提出了新的建设要求与总体目标。从新时代的语境中加以分析,发现如今服务型政府建设还有许多不满足新要求的问题,主要体现在政府的服务范围、服务理念、服务主体和服务供给机制等方面。针对上述几方面存在的问题,可以从明确服务边界、牢固树立服务行政理念、加强服务队伍建设、形成以人民需求为导向的公共服务供给机制等方面来加以探讨。     

The effects of national cultures on two technologically advanced countries: The case of e-leadership in South Korea and the United States

The increased use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has triggered enormous innovation in the public sector and created positive public value at the managerial, delivery of services, and policy levels. However, these positive outcomes do not automatically accrue simply by adoption of ICTs as public leaders can fail to adopt relevant new ICTs, use them poorly, or use them in ways that actually diminish public value, which raises the question of the importance of e-leadership. This article examines e-leadership and innovation capacity at the individual public manager level and fills in some gaps about the practice and implementation of ICTs in the public sector. We explore eight research questions useful in theorizing about e-leadership, develop constructs of e-leadership, and describe the current development of e-leadership. By comparing e-leadership in two country settings (South Korea and the United States), we also overcome the limitations of the existing Western-oriented studies about innovations in the public sector. In addition to the growth of e-leadership use and requirements for a variety of competencies equivalent to, but separate from, traditional communication competences, we find that national cultures exert significant influence on the major constructs of e-leadership, which implies that an effective e-leadership strategy should consider cultural contexts seriously.     

The 2019 General Election in Northern Ireland: the Rise of the Centre Ground?

The experience of the 2019 general election in Northern Ireland took a very different course to that of the rest of the UK and, indeed, to the pattern of electoral politics typical of the region. Coming after almost three years with no functioning devolved government, combined with intense disagreement and uncertainty about Brexit, voters were ready to give a message to the two largest parties. Both Sinn Féin and the DUP suffered losses in the election, with the headline outcome being that unionism no longer holds the majority of seats for Northern Ireland in Westminster. More generally, there was a swing from both sides towards centre ground voting, which brought significant gains for the Alliance Party and the SDLP. This article summarises the reasons for this broad trend, focussing on the conditions and electoral pacts which brought it about. It also considers what it might mean for the prospects for Irish unification, noting that a referendum on unification will only be passed by attracting votes from those who tend to see themselves as neither unionist or nationalist.     

略论刑法微课的设计与应用

在“互联网+”时代,线上与线下相结合的混合式教学的优势日益凸显。微课以微型教学视频为主要载体,作为一种情景化、支持多种学习方式的微型在线视频网络课程已成为混合式教学模式的“标配”。目前,刑法教学仍然停留在传统的讲授式教学阶段,教学方式单一,教与学的效率都不尽人意。微课具有学习方便、知识点集中、短时长、可视化等特点,对于克服当下刑法教学中存在的诸多不足具有很强的针对性。刑法微课实效的充分发挥源于对微课的正确认识、科学设计及合理应用。     

认罪认罚从宽制度的体系性反思与建构

虽然认罪认罚从宽制度是在我国《刑事诉讼法》中得以正式确立的,但《刑事诉讼法》中涉及此制度的具体规定又都是操作层面的。据此,认罪认罚从宽制度的合理性并不能得以阐释。而依据我国《刑法》,对认罪认罚从宽制度的合理性则可以从形式逻辑、实质逻辑以及价值理念三个维度予以充分证成。由此可知,认罪认罚从宽制度本质上系《刑法》中的一种刑罚裁量制度,认罪认罚本质上是法定的从宽量刑情节。在定罪层面,犯罪嫌疑人、被告人只需自愿承认不法事实系其所为,即构成"认罪",而无需准确评价自身行为的法律性质并准确识别具体罪名;在量刑层面,"认罚"考察的重点是犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的悔罪态度和悔罪表现。应当通过刑法立法的方式将认罪认罚从宽制度与自首制度、坦白制度部分重叠地整合在一起,以避免"概念混同""重复评价"的错误倾向。     

法学研究目标受众选择的大数据分析

文章为谁而写,是法学研究需要解决的基础性命题。从近二十年约2.5万篇法学核心期刊文章的大数据机器学习分类结果看,我国的法学研究成果呈多重目标格局,其中近三成服务于执法机关(包括行政机关和司法机关),同时也有为立法者、执政者建言献策的成果。经检验,目标受众类型的选择与论文的传播能力以及获得基金支持的机会之间有显著相关性。这一决定成果影响力大小的机制迟早会被个体习得并不断强化,成为研究者选择目标受众类型的重要因素。该机制良性运转的关键是处理好学者和实践受众的关系,保持学术研究必要的自主性,警惕学术研究在追逐发表、经济支持时被有关主体“认知俘获”。