民国刑事诉讼法上的微罪不起诉制度

20世纪20年代，起诉便宜主义逐渐在大陆法系国家法律中得到确认，也很快被民国立法者所接受。在民国刑事诉讼法上，微罪不起诉制度是起诉便宜主义的集中体现，这项制度于1928年《刑事诉讼法》中首次得到确立，此后历经多次修改，在检察官作出微罪不起诉处分的考量因素和具体程序等方面得到了完善，但其适用范围则一直比较有限。在实践层面，微罪不起诉在民国时期的适用率始终偏低，因此很难充分实现其应有的价值。     

More with Less? Fiscal Decentralisation,Public Health Spending and Health Sector Performance

Decentralisation is considered a panacea for deficient public sector performance by many. However, recent trends of health sector recentralisation in several OECD countries suggest the opposite. Taking on a cross‐country perspective, I examine two hypotheses, namely that decentralisation leads to an increase in public health spending (H1) and to poor health sector outcomes (H2). The evidence I present suggests that decentralising spending tends to lead to larger public health sectors and to poorer health sector outcomes. However, decentralising tax authority has no effect on the size of the health sector and may actually have a positive effect on health sector performance. The broader lesson is that while general fiscal decentralisation research tends to imply that its conclusions are valid for all policy areas in a similar way, sector‐specific insights can reveal a more nuanced view on the consequences of fiscal decentralisation.     

立法与司法的互敬:对刑法酌定量刑情节的双重规范

刑事司法领域的改革翔实地反映出一定阶段人们对立法成果的实践情况。刑事诉讼中审判方式变革的直接产物就是1996年《刑事诉讼法》的修订。当下量刑规范化的提倡,推进了量刑程序的改革。量刑情节作为萦绕量刑始终的关键因素,其重要性不容小觑。从20世纪90年代刑事审判方式改革到如今的量刑规范化的提倡,都是一种司法实践对立法规定的回应,立法及时又将产生良性的互动。这种互敬的对话模式是立法层面的反思,更是司法角度的自省。针对目前集中反映在立法与司法中存在的酌定量刑情节问题,在有限思索的方寸间试以论述。     

涉外民商事审判中的自由裁量权探析——以金融危机应对和指导性案例为中心

法官自由裁量权在两大法系中都是存在的，其在涉外民商事领域的功效尤为凸显。我国现行涉外民商事立法主动或被动地赋予了法官在涉外民商事审判中极大的自由裁量权。《中华人民共和国涉外民事关系法律适用法》的通过使得涉外民商事法律适用法迈进了一步，但是立法的局限性进步仅仅是在某种程度上使得自由裁量权由过去的空洞无序迈向有序。正值我国指导性案例成行之初，借助该契机，在建立我国涉外民商事审判领域指导性案例体系的同时，实现法官在该领域自由裁量权的突破，弥补和修正立法的不足，也为金融危机等情势提供应对路径。     

两大法系中的不方便法院原则及在中国的合理借鉴

一般认为不方便法院原则起源于苏格兰,并在英美法系国家得到了广泛的运用和发展。然而,大陆法系的主要国家和地区也存在着这一制度或类似的制度和做法,这些类似的制度或做法同样体现了不方便法院原则的核心和实质精神:法官的自由裁量权和有利于实现当事人的利益及个案的公正。在中国,立法中过度管辖的存在和互联网立法的缺乏使得不方便法院原则的引入存在必要性,相关法律制度的配套和司法实践又使得该原则的引入存在着可能性。应当结合有关的法律传统和司法特点,设计出适合中国的不方便法院原则。     

行政许可自由裁量权的表现与防控

行政许可是行政机关管理社会公共事务的重要手段,行政许可自由裁量权是现代行政权的重要组成部分,在行政许可中普遍存在.从分析行政许可自由裁量权入手,有针对性地构建行政许可自由裁量权的防范与控制体系,可以有效规范行政许可行为,预防和根除腐败现象的发生.     

抢劫犯罪死刑适用实证研究

在我国短时间内废除死刑并不现实,当务之急是规范死刑适用。抢劫犯罪的死刑主要适用于致人重伤、死亡的抢劫犯罪和其他情节极为恶劣的抢劫犯罪。在认定主要刑事责任人时应全面考察罪中、罪后、罪前等多方面情节。自首、立功等法定从宽处罚情节一般只及一罪;"先杀后抢"、"先抢后杀"的宣告刑应基本一致;在抢劫犯罪中一般不存在被害人有过错的情形;"赔偿免死"的前提是犯罪分子真诚悔罪。酌定从宽情节的适用亟待规范。     

The Political Economy of Facebook Advertising: Election Spending,Regulation and Targeting Online

Political advertising on Facebook is the latest in a long line of developments in campaign practice, and is a tool that has been mobilised extensively in elections around the world. In this article, we explore what we know about Facebook advertising at elections and ask what existing data from the UK Electoral Commission can reveal about current usage. Highlighting the principles behind Facebook advertising, we argue that existing metrics offer little insight into current campaign trends—posing analytical, methodological and normative challenges for academics and electoral regulators alike. Moreover, we argue that these challenges strike at the heart of debates about democratic responsibility and the degree to which governments should cede responsibility to commercial actors who may have differing understandings of fundamental democratic norms.     

The effects of campaign finance spending bans on electoral outcomes: Evidence from the states about the potential impact of Citizens United v. FEC

This paper seeks to understand the effect of campaign finance laws on electoral outcomes. Spurred by the recent Supreme Court decision, Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010), which eliminated bans on corporate and union political spending, the study focuses on whether such bans generate electoral outcomes that are notably different from an electoral system that lacks such bans. We look to two key electoral dynamics that such bans might influence: the partisan balance of power and the success of incumbents. Using historical data on regulations in 49 American states between 1968 and 2009 we test alternative models for evaluating the impact of corporate spending bans put in place during this period. The results indicate that spending bans appear to have limited effects on election outcomes.