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1.
The literature on child sexual abuse (CSA) perpetrated by female sexual offenders (FSOs) is exiguous, and many studies have focused on judicial databases. The present retrospective study, instead, analyzed clinical and judicial data of a group of both victims and alleged FSOs, to additionally include women who have not been convicted by the criminal justice system, but who hold strong clinical suspicions of being perpetrators of CSA. The medical records and the Court files of 11 children and their eight suspected FSOs have been collected and critically reviewed in light of the literature to date. This approach allowed for a deeper understanding of the relationship between child and FSO. The authors hypothesize that the victims’ severe psychopathological outcomes were a result of a failure to develop appropriate attachments with their prospective caregivers, which could have been damaged by the pathological relationship with FSOs, who were the victims’ caregivers.  相似文献   
2.
喻中 《法学论坛》2020,(1):40-47
中国特色社会主义法治理论作为中国特色社会主义法治体系的理论化表达,作为一种新型的理论形态,可以从三个方面来认知。首先,从思想源流来看,马克思主义法律思想是中国特色社会主义法治理论的思想根基。其次,从理论个性来看,中国特色社会主义法治理论的主要特性包括中国性、政治性与学术性。从学科定位来看,中国特色社会主义法治理论既是法学学科体系中的一个组成部分,同时也代表了法治理论谱系中的一种最新形态。把握中国特色社会主义法治理论的思想根基、主要特性与学科定位,既是创新和发展中国特色社会主义法治理论的前提,也是坚持和完善中国特色社会主义法治体系的前提。  相似文献   
3.
Motivational interviewing (MI) is a communication style focused on enhancing clients’ own motivation towards change. In the justice system MI has evidence to support that it enhances communication and change behaviors in youth. As most MI training is designed for healthcare settings training and implementation of MI must be adapted to fit the juvenile justice model. This includes both rehabilitation and restorative justice. Here we describe the details that allowed one county small county in Pennsylvania to roll out MI training and initial skills review in less than 6 months. The case reviews the details of planning, trainings, and timing of activities. We then discuss what elements of those details fit into a greater implementation plan that may be applied elsewhere. Four key elements were instrumental to implementation: 1) appreciation of JPO time constraints, 2) cost containment 3) using blending to enhance JPO flexibility with MI use, and 4) policies that normalize use of MI. This outline may assist other courts in their own implementation efforts.  相似文献   
4.
上世纪初,韦伯提出并论证了韦伯命题——中国司法属于非形式主义的卡迪司法。近百年以后,中国大陆就这一命题的真伪进行了长达10多年的高水准学术论辩。如果正确理解了韦伯社会学思想的核心概念——理想类型——及其衍生的卡迪司法的真谛,并运用整体的观念来评价中国司法,则韦伯命题的成立是无可置疑的,否定论者所列举的实证材料,并不是韦伯立论的基点。韦伯命题之争有复杂的时代背景,它的背后涉及法律文化是否存在普适性价值、不同时空中的法律文化是否存在可比性、如何客观认知和理性对待本族法律文化传统、法律现代化是否可欲及其价值取向等重大的法理问题,特别是对形式主义司法的认知与评价这一重大的司法哲学问题。这些与中国司法未来走向息息相关的时代性问题都值得法学界认真对待。  相似文献   
5.
The Havana Peace Accords of 2016 sought to end five decades of internal conflict in Colombia. As well as disarming the FARC, they promise to bring state institutions to abandoned regions and enable citizen participation. However, there is an obstacle to this which has consistently been overlooked by Juan Manuel Santos' government: a chronic distrust in the state dating back to colonialism. This article draws on ethnographic research with the Colombian government's ‘peace pedagogy’ team, tasked innovatively with educating citizens about the Havana Accords and incorporating them in the co-production of peace. It shows that citizens' learning about state policies, and reception of state efforts to shape that learning, are filtered through pre-existing perceptions of the state: in Colombia, interpretative frameworks of distrust. This ethnography illuminates state–society relations in the Colombian peace process, offering implications for ongoing implementation of the Accords, and posing questions for other countries in transition, arguing that historically-constituted perceptions of the state should be taken into account when communicating government policies to society.  相似文献   
6.
The study examines sources of opposition to immigration in contemporary Russia. It distinguishes between two types of opposition to immigration: exclusionary attitudes based on national membership and exclusionary attitudes based on race or ethnicity, directed exclusively at foreigners with non-Slavic or non-European origins. Findings indicate that a quarter of ethnic Russians can be classified as “racial exclusionists”; they are willing to admit immigrants who share a race/ethnic group with most of Russia’s people but object to the admission of racially/ethnically different immigrants. Another 42% of ethnic Russians are classified as “total exclusionists”; they object to immigration of all foreigners, regardless of their race/ethnicity. Multivariate analysis focuses on the impact of perceived collective vulnerability, human values, and socio-demographic attributes. Opposition to immigration in Russia is further situated within temporal and cross-national comparative perspectives. Apparently, exclusionary attitudes toward immigrants who share a race/ethnicity with most Russians increased between 2006 and 2016.  相似文献   
7.
The media allow crime to infiltrate the public’s consciousness in every conceivable way, thereby playing a major role in shaping the public’s opinion and attitude toward crime and crime issues (Barak, 1995; Fields & Jerin, 1996; Kappeler & Potter, 2005). Reporters constantly talk about crime, and crime related stories dominate the headlines of local and national newspaper outlets (Dowler, 2003; Pizarro et al, 2007). Some of the most highly rated television programs are based on crime plots and people across social, political, and racial demographics are constantly engaged in crime dialogue generated from local or national news stories. When the focus of these mediums is on youth they become even more profound and contentious. The images portrayed conjure up stereotypes that lead to fear and inflammatory remarks that become entrenched into the national lexicon. The current study uses data from the National Opinion Survey of Crime and Justice to test the relationship between crime-related media viewership and fear of victimization within a nationally representative adult sample. Approximately 42.67% of respondents reported regularly watching crime shows and about the same proportion (42.83%) believed their local media paid too much attention to violent crime. In addition to regular crime-show viewership, confidence in the police, gender, and recent contact with the police were associated with fear of victimization. This article adds to an existing body of research through a largely unexplored area in the administration of justice. It does so within the context of the U.S. juvenile justice system.  相似文献   
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9.
“八荣八耻”为核心内容的社会主义荣辱观的提出具有重大的意义:它是新形势下继承中华美德,发扬革命传统,弘扬时代精神的战略任务;是确立我国改革转型期的主导价值观:是统一思想,凝聚社会力量,促进社会和谐,全面建设小康社会的强大力量;是提高党的执政能力和执政水平的迫切需要。领导干部怎样做到服务人民,而不背离人民:领导干部在权力运用,工作决策的过程中有始终以人民的利益为出发点和落脚点;领导干部在权力的运用时,不能为官与民争利,要“慎权”,“慎欲”;领导干部要坚持群众路线,相信群众,依靠群众,且勿独断专行;领导干部要加强理论修养,提高自己的政策水平,强化领导能力和领导水平。  相似文献   
10.
社会主义政治文明概念的提出,使人们获得了研究社会主义文明发展的新视点,这就是文化的视点、文化和文明发展的历史视点。要正确认识政治文明发展中的文化继承和超越、拒绝和借鉴问题以及文化发展中同一性与差异性的关系,从而。适应时代要求,推进政治文化创新。在中国,社会主义政治文明建设的关键是中国共产党在政治思想和政治理论上的创新,是党能否把政治思想和政治理论创新的成果转化成制度创新的实践。  相似文献   
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