创建中俄沿边自由贸易区的可行性分析

现在,中俄两国国家关系稳定,经济互补性强,沿边地区的地理环境、基础设施状况以及劳动力与市场条件都符合建立自由贸易区的要求。     

黑龙江省对俄沿边开放带战略升级对策研究

目前,中俄战略协作伙伴关系达到前所未有的水平,两国的全方位合作不断取得新进展,地区性的合作引人注目。随着《中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区合作规划纲要》(以下简称《中俄合作规划纲要》)项目的逐步落实,一系列口岸及沿边基础设施项目有序推进,黑龙江     

跨境次区域经济合作中我国沿边地方政府行为分析

跨境次区域经济合作是我国中西部沿边地区对外开放的主要形式,而沿边地方政府又是其主要推动力量。目前,中央政府主导、地方政府积极参与是我国跨境次区域合作的主要模式。但由于地方利益的强化,沿边地方政府与中央政府在利益和目标上会有所偏差。这导致了沿边地方政府在区域经济合作中,采取对内竞争和对外合作两种不同的行为模式。这两种不同行为模式背后的动力机制研究对进一步揭示我国经济转型发展的内在制度安排,提升我国沿边地区对外开放开发水平具有重要的意义。     

建立中俄自由贸易区的可行性研究

加快中俄自由贸易区建设,是提升中俄战略协作伙伴关系的重要内容,也是当前国际政治安全格局下确保中俄两国经济安全的客观要求.随着俄罗斯与美国等西方国家在乌克兰问题上的博弈加剧,俄罗斯在经济上将进一步强化与中国的合作,中俄加快双边自由贸易区建设的可能性上升.黑龙江省应发挥地缘人文优势,统筹沿边开放与自由贸易区建设,加快中俄毗邻地区自由贸易区研究,为国家决策提供借鉴.     

加强西南地区与东盟前沿地带合作的重要意义与主要对策

一、加强西南地区与东盟前沿地带合作的必要性及重要意义中国西南地区与东盟国家的越、老、缅等有着4242公里的陆地边境线以及北部湾水域相连 ,并与泰、柬等国近邻 ,加强边境接触地带的经济合作有着良好的条件 ,而加强边境接触地带的经济合作对推动经济的发展有着不可低估的作用和重大的现实意义。(一)有利于推动中国—东盟沿边地区的合作和集聚国际互补性资源或要素。在世界经济空间系统运动发展的整体格局下 ,加强中国西南和东盟(特别是越老缅泰等近邻国家)之间沿边地区的合作 ,并以此为场所和舞台 ,吸引世界各地的资金、技术等要素向沿边…     

积极推动柳州老工业重镇振兴上升为国家战略——辽宁沿海沿边沿江内陆开放互动战略对广西完善区域开放格局的重要启示

在全国沿边9个省区中,辽宁和广西是唯一同时兼有沿海、沿边、沿江区位优势的两个省区。本文通过实地调研和比较研究辽宁沿海开放与内陆开放、沿江开放、沿边开放良性互动发展的主要做法和成功经验,得出对广西完善区域开放格局的重要启示,建议广西应重新认识、高度重视和重振柳州老工业重镇,积极推动柳州老工业重镇振兴上升为国家战略,夯实广西实施"双核驱动、三区统筹"战略的中气和经济重心,着力构建沿海沿江沿边内陆开放良性互动发展新格局。     

我国沿边地区开放开发新方略及其对广西的启示

在新一轮沿边地区开放开发浪潮中,云南、新疆、内蒙古、黑龙江等省区实施了一系列新方略加快沿边地区开放开发,取得明显成效并形成各自的特点。本文在深入分析上述省区沿边地区开放开发新方略的基础上,对完善广西沿边地区开放开发战略、提升沿边地区开放开发水平提出相关对策建议。     

中国沿边开放新阶段新特征及广西沿边开放新站位

当前,中国沿边开放已经进入经略周边和共建"一带一路"新阶段,呈现出新的特征,要求广西谋划沿边开放视野要宽、站位要高,不能就沿边开放论沿边开放。广西要跳出沿边地区看沿边开放,着眼于服务国家周边外交战略,着眼于服务和推进中国—东盟战略合作,着眼于服务中国西南、中南地区开放发展,把广西的沿边开放、沿海开放、沿江开放和内陆开放等统筹起来,实施"大沿边"开放战略,一体规划,一体部署,一体推进,形成沿海沿江沿边内陆开放良性互动发展的新格局,加快把广西建设成为中国—东盟战略合作新高地和中国西南、中南地区开放发展新的战略支点。     

广西沿边金融改革背景下跨境资金流动风险管理探讨

随着沿边金融改革工作逐步推进,各项经济优惠政策落实到位,广西金融市场开放开发程度深化,跨境资金流动明显出现连续增长趋势。但是,广西仍处于沿边金融改革开局阶段,短期巨额的跨境资金流动将对沿边金融稳定和沿边金融改革工作深入推进产生较大负面冲击。本文分析广西跨境资金流动和风险管理现状,深度剖析沿边金融改革背景下,广西跨境资金流动风险管理的不足之处,紧密结合广西金融改革实践和沿边经济金融发展特点,预测未来广西沿边金融改革跨境资金流动管理趋势,为沿边金融改革创造良好、稳定和有序的金融环境,助力广西深化对外开放交流和区域经济提速发展。     

对俄沿边开放模式创新研究简

目前,中俄经济技术合作须进一步提升,沿边开放模式亟待不断创新.一是促进产业集聚,实现跨国产业衔接,推动中俄经济技术合作实现新的升级.二是推动政策创新、综合保税区功能创新和联动发展创新等等,通过政策互补和功能叠加,延展沿边开放带辐射作用.三是加强口岸在沿边开放进程中的龙头地位,集聚沿边资源,夯实我省三条沿边开放带.     

Diplomatic Interactions and Negotiations

This article examines the role of state actors, organization agencies, and individual agents in diplomatic interactions and negotiations. States as diplomatic actors, organizations as diplomatic agencies, and individuals as diplomatic agents enter into complex and interdependent relationships. Proposing a three‐level analysis of interstate interactions and diplomatic negotiations, I argue that no diplomatic negotiation happens without interactions between parties at the state, organizational, and individual levels. The agency–structure paradigm provides a conceptual framework for understanding behavioral and structural properties of international interactions and their influence on diplomatic negotiations. Diplomatic negotiation employs specific forms of interaction, using a distinct language, protocol norms, symbols, ceremonies, and rituals. The state's “self” (as a social conception of its identity, values, and interests) affects the process of diplomatic negotiation. By managing, organizing, and improving international interactions at the actor, agency, and agent levels, negotiating parties can advance the process and effectiveness of diplomatic negotiation.     

Marxist Philosophy vs. International Relations Research in China

This article argues for the confirmation of Marxist philosophy as the ideology that guides international relations （IR） studies in China. Justification comes through the following points. According to Marxism, correct theoretical guidance serves as the prerequisite for correct practice. Marxist philosophy embodies, by nature, righteousness, in opposition to political hegemony. Accordingly, practice under its guidance represents fruitful revolutionary realism. Finally, advanced studies of international relations in this country cannot be separated from philosophical thinking. Using these arguments as background, this article specifically advocates materialism, patriotism, and service to the people as the corner-stone of China＇s IR theory building.     

Affective images of the public political mind: Semantic differential reference frames for an experience of the 1988 presidential campaign

This project seeks theoretical and methodological advances in the study of political advertising effects during election campaigns. On the theoretical side, we hypothesize that racial cues embedded in standard political advertising appeals, involving taxation and government spending, boost opinion constraint by priming global political ideology. On the methodological side, we replicate a lab experiment in face-toface interviews with a probability sample of a large metropolitan area. Results suggest that subtle race cues do increase issue constraint for "racialized" issues such as welfare, affirmative action, crime policy, and the overall size of government. Constraint of opinions about issues less relevant to race, such as abortion, spending on public schools, universal health care, and raising the minimum wage, does not increase as a result of exposure to racial cues. Global ideology is powerfully primed by implicit racial cues embedded in typical political appeals. Finally, though demographic differences in the samples moderate some effects, the general pattern is highly consistent across the two research settings. Implications for strategic communication during campaigns, group centrism in American elections, and the benefits of methodological pluralism in the study of media effects are discussed.     

美国《网络空间国际战略》评析

在信息化时代,网络空间承载着国家政治、经济、文化和军事发展与安全的重荷。网络空间存在的黑客攻击、网络犯罪和网络恐怖主义事件层出不穷,因此网络空间安全已上升到国家安全战略的层面,美国政府于2011年5月16日发布的《网络空间国际战略》引起世界各国瞩目。美国《网络空间国际战略》以"共同创造繁荣、安全、开放的网络世界"为基本宗旨,以"基本自由、隐私和信息流动自由"为核心原则,从经济、网络安全、司法、军事、网络管理、国际发展、网络自由等诸方面为美国未来网络安全战略的发展指明了方向。《网络空间国际战略》的出台表明美国政府已将网络安全提升到国际战略的新高度,它隐含着美国谋求网络空间霸权的战略目标,具有引领国际战略新变革和引发网络空间价值观冲突的现实战略效能,它对中美关系的影响和中国的应对之策也是值得认真分析和思考的。     

断奶仔猪胃肠道乳酸菌及芽孢杆菌的分离鉴定

为研制优良的猪用益生菌制剂,从断奶仔猪胃肠道分离乳酸菌和芽孢杆菌,结合细菌的形态特征、生理生化指标,运用16SrRNA基因序列分析方法对其进行了鉴定。结果表明,分离株WR、KR、HR、JR分别为胃、空肠、回肠、结肠源的唾液乳杆菌(Lactobacillus salivarius);ZR株为直肠源的约氏乳杆菌(Lactobacillus johnsonii);MR株为盲肠源的粪肠球菌(Enterococcus faecalis);分离株WY、SY、KY分别为胃、十二指肠、空肠源的枯草芽孢杆菌(Bacillus subtilis);HY株为回肠源的蜡样芽孢杆菌(Bacillus cere-us)。各分离株的生长曲线有明显差异,HR、ZR和WY株的生长速度较快,分别于接种后第12、12和20小时达到生长高峰期,显示了良好的培养特性。     

Minority representation in a semi-democratic regime: the Georgian case

This article suggests that in most semi-democracies, the same solution might not be that favourable to minorities. Many semi-democratic countries either restrict party competition or limit parties of ethnic minorities, including: Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kirgistan, Cameron, Equatorial Guinea, Tanzania, Gabon, Kenya, Mauritania, and Congo (Brazzaville). This article highlights the impact of the electoral system and the importance of political plurality and electoral district design in such contexts. The article argues that the interests of minorities are best protected if they can elect their representatives in small, ethnically homogeneous electoral districts. Plurality or majority voting systems offer minorities the possibility to run with independent candidates. The case study in this article elections to municipal councils in Georgia in 2006 under a mixed electoral system seem to reflect the hypothesized pattern.     

胰岛素受体mRNA在新生犊牛组织中的表达

应用半定量RT-PCR方法检测了新生犊牛中枢神经系统和外周组织中胰岛素受体(in-sulin receptor,InsR)基因的表达。结果表明,InsR基因在肝、皮下脂肪、半腱肌、胰、肾皮质、脾、心、肺、下丘脑、肠系膜淋巴结、主动脉、十二指肠、结肠、垂体、大脑皮质、小脑皮质中都有表达。其中,肝、半腱肌、下丘脑、胰、主动脉、垂体中InsR基因的表达量显著多于其他组织(P<0.05)。InsR基因在各组织中的广泛分布表明胰岛素在体内具有广泛的生理功能。     

Hybrid security governance in Africa: rethinking the foundations of security,justice and legitimate public authority

This article asks whether the concept of ‘hybridity’ offers a more convincing account of security governance in Africa than the standard state-focused models. It seeks to clarify the complex intersections between formal and informal, state and non-state security actors, and the varied terrains on which hybridity is constructed, instrumentalised and recalibrated over time. Rather than romanticising informal or ‘traditional’ institutions, it suggests that they too embed their own power hierarchies, become sites of contestation, and do not work equally well for everyone, least of all for the weak, vulnerable and excluded. Thus the focus is placed upon the real governance of security in hybrid systems, and the patterns of inclusion and exclusion (including gender biases) they reinforce. Finally the paper considers how policy-makers and shapers can work with the grain of hybrid security arrangements to create more legitimate, broadly-based and effective African security governance.     

Cognitive Maelstroms,Nested Negotiation Networks,and Cascading Decision Effects: Modeling and Teaching Negotiation Complexity with Systemic Multiconstituency Exercises

Negotiation practitioners today struggle to manage complex political, economic, and cultural disputes that often involve an array of intertwined issues, parties, process choices, and consequences – both intended and unintended. To prepare next‐generation negotiators for these multifaceted challenges, negotiation instructors must keep pace with the rapidly evolving complexity of today's world. In this article, we introduce systemic multiconstituency exercises (SMCEs), a new educational tool for capturing this emerging reality and helping to close the experiential learning gap between the simulated and the non‐simulated environment. We discuss our pedagogical rationale for developing The Transition, a seventy‐two‐party SMCE inspired by the complex conflicts in Afghanistan and Central Asia and then describe our experiences conducting multiple iterations of this simulation at Harvard University. We argue that SMCEs, in which stakeholders are embedded in clusters of overlapping networks, differ from conventional multiparty exercises because of their immersive character, emergent properties, and dynamic architecture. This design allows for the creation of crucial negotiation complexity challenges within a simulated exercise context, most importantly what we call “cognitive maelstroms,” nested negotiation networks, and cascading decision effects. Because of these features, SMCEs are uniquely suited for training participants in the art of network thinking in complex negotiations. Properly designed and executed, systemic multiconstituency exercises are next‐generation teaching, training, and research platforms that carefully integrate negotiation, leadership, and decision‐making challenges.