The Second Sino-US Maritime Security Workshop Held in CIIS

正On September 25-26,2014,CIIS and Hoover Institution,Stanford University jointly held the Second Sino-US Maritime Security Workshop in Beijing.CIIS President Qu Xing and Abraham Sofall,senior research fellow with the Hoover Institution,codelivered the opening remarks.Representatives from China's Ministry of National Defense,     

Greater Periphery and China, the U. S. and Neighbors

Lu: The world situation tends to be relaxed generally. Big powers often interact, especially in Asia, because China is developing and Asia is developing as well. When we review peripheral and regional situa- tions, we can see it. In China's concept of diplomacy, periphery is put at the foremost position and China's periphery is in a sense the U. S. ' strategic front. Therefore, building a greater peripheral environment, coping well with China's relations with the U. S. and China's Neigh-…     

Taking Diplomatic Strategy Adaptable to Environment

Looking from China's neighboring environment, the America factor is undoubtedly the most important factor in analyzing China's neighboring security. Speaking of U. S. influence on China's neighboring security, some scholars tend to believe that the unfavorable factors play a dominant role. This conclusion comes from the "new moonshape encirclement" already existing since the Cold War in America,     

Thoughts on Pushing Forward People-to-People Diplomacy in the New Era

<正>I.The Situation of China's People-to-People Diplomacy in the New Era As an indispensable part in China's overall diplomacy, the people-to-people diplomacy aims at enhancing the friendship between peoples, and hence promoting state-to-state relations. As one of the most vibrant areas with full development potential in China's overall diplomacy,     

China and Its Northeast Asian Neighbors

Ⅰ Northeast Asian countries have held an important position on China's diplomatic chessboard. Their bilateral relations can be traced back to the ancient times, and they are important for China's national security strategy.     

Ⅲ. Greater Periphery and China, the U.S. and Neighbors

Lu: The world situation tends to be relaxed generally. Big powers often interact, especially in Asia, because China is developing and Asia is developing as well. When we review peripheral and regional situations, we can see it. In China's concept of diplomacy, periphery is put at the foremost position and China's periphery is in a sense the U. S. 'strategic front. Therefore, building a greater peripheral environment,coping well with China's relations with the U.S. and China's Neighbors has a bearing on China's geo-strategic environment. As the issue covers a broad range, let us begin from the greater periphery.     

New Identity, New Interests and New Diplomacy

At the end of 2003, two experts on Chinese affairs from the American Rand Corporation, Evan S. Medeiros and M. Taylor Fravel published an article, "China's New Diplomacy," demonstrating changes in China's international perspective, attitude toward international society, foreign policy, and the diplomatic policy-making system and process. ① This article initiated much research, both domestic and foreign, on China's new diplomacy.     

International Relations Think Tanks and Their Issues

The emergence of international relations think tanks reflects historic changes in China's relations with the world and is a result of China's need to better understand the international situation and to have a greater impact on it.It also reflects the thirst for "intellectual support" for foreign policy and strategy,and this is a sign of progress in China's governance system.     

CONTRIBUTION GUIDELINES

Published by China Institute of International Studies, China International Studies is China's first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation. The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on China's diplomacy, international politics and international relations under such columns as China's Diplomacy, International     

CONTRIBUTION GUIDELINES

Published by China Institute of International Studies, China International Studies is China's first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation. The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on China's diplomacy, international politics and international relations under such columns as China's Diplomacy, International Relations, International Politics, International Security, Regional Issues and World Economy. The journal pursues a serious and down-to-earth style and promotes academic democracy.     

“东向行动”下印越合作新发展及其对华影响

2014年印度总理莫迪当选后将“东向”政策升级为“东向行动”政策,期望凭借印度在南亚次大陆的地缘优势,寻求南亚霸权的同时,向东扩展自己的战略利益。基于地缘政治和区域战略的需要,越南成为莫迪政府的“东向行动”政策的重要战略支持,两国不断推进多渠道的联系与交往,并逐步发展成为全面战略伙伴关系,在双边和多边层次上加强政治、军事、安全、经济等多方面的合作。尽管印越两国合作是基于战略和安全的现实需要,但由于两国均为中国邻国,且当前两国仍与中国存在着领土争端,因此在战略上相互借力,平衡中国在区域内的影响就成为两国发展伙伴关系的重要目标,印越两国在各领域的合作也在一定程度上对我国的周边安全环境造成了影响。     

China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Implications for the Middle East

This article examines the geopolitical and economic implications of the Belt and Road Initiative for the Middle East. It locates the BRI within the region’s politics and examines the opportunities that the initiative offers for the region, as well as its inherent risks and challenges. It argues that the BRI is not merely an economic project as framed by Beijing, but that it represents a new stage in China’s engagement with the region, and—if fully implemented—could have wide geopolitical implications. The Middle East has the potential to contribute immensely to China’s sustained growth by addressing its energy security, supporting China’s role as a ‘megatrader’, and, more importantly, driving China’s efforts to become a global maritime power and monetary power by internationalizing the Renminbi (RMB). Thus, the BRI could have wide implications for the Middle East. Far from being a win-win project for all, the BRI will likely benefit some countries in the region more than others. Iran stands ready to benefit most. The BRI will likely increase the strategic importance of the Suez Canal and could potentially undermine the importance of some logistic hubs in the Middle East in favour of other trade hubs in Central Asia.     

中国边疆跨境非传统安全：挑战与应对

中国边疆邻国众多、民族多样、文化多元,地缘政治与周边环境复杂。在深度全球化时代,各国利益相互镶嵌,安全互依互保。随着中国全面扩大对外开放以及"一带一路"倡议的推进,边疆跨境非传统安全问题愈加复杂多元,互为关联,关涉政治、经济、文化、生态、公共卫生等诸多领域,涵盖地缘、认同、利益与网络等不同安全场域,并融入周边安全、国际安全与人类安全之中。在新形势下,边疆跨境非传统安全及其治理呈现出越来越多的新问题与新难题,只有以总体国家安全观为指导,促进国际与国内相涉行为体之间的协同共治,加强边疆跨境非传统安全全方位、多层次的体系性治理,才能有利于推进维护总体国家安全。     

"预防—震慑—应急"一体化:中国海外安保供给模式新探

基于以人民安全为宗旨的总体国家安全观和“以人为本、外交为民”的领事保护理念,受冲突影响和高风险区域的海外机构、企业和公民的安全是中国海外安保供给体系的首要关切。后疫情时代的安全环境、安全威胁和安保内容的新变化凸显了海外安保的供需落差,如何通过完善海外安保供给体系来应对后疫情时代的挑战,成为总体国家安全治理不得不重视的紧迫性议题。根据风险/焦虑-威胁/恐惧-危机/恐慌的升级过程,可将海外安保区分为预防、震慑、应急三种类型,政府、军队、国际安保公司、社会组织和海外企业能够发挥各自不同的作用。在明晰中国海外安保“阶段-类型”及对应的多元供给主体职能的基础上,中国海外安保供给体系的完善需要在总体国家安全观理念指导下,遵循“预防-震慑-应急”一体化的供给模式,建构多元供给主体联动体系,从而弥补现有供给体系的不足,全面推进“海外中国平安体系”建设。     

新冠病毒疫情、生物安全与东亚合作的新未来

当前全球生物安全形势日益严峻,其造成的冲击主要包括危害民众的生命健康和社会生活、严重破坏地区和全球经济、影响国家政权的稳定等。新冠病毒因具有传播速度快、传播范围广、致死率高等特点,这势必也会成为东亚区域繁荣与稳定的新挑战:一是严重损害中日韩三国民众的生命安全;二是多领域冲击东亚乃至全球经济;三是敌对势力借此攻击中国政府的执政合法性。可见,生物安全在区域经济开发和相互依赖中的地位日益重要。对此,应处理好两组关系:一是生物安全与国家利益的关系;二是生物安全与国家安全的关系。中日韩可从地区卫生安全为切入点和战略抓手来推进三国的医疗合作,消除日韩两国对中国发展的猜疑和不信任,推进三国的战略互信,然后逐步过渡到"高敏感领域"。     

马来西亚南海安全政策初探

南海分布着马来西亚的领海和专属经济区海域,是马来西亚国家利益的重要组成部分。为实践在南海地区“维护海洋环境的稳定,不受限制地开发海洋资源和开展国际贸易”的战略构想,马来西亚通过建立和发展自主的国防力量,与区域内外国家开展有限的安全合作以增强在南海的防御能力,并通过各种途径巩固对南沙部分岛礁的占领,实现其在南海的主权安全和经济安全。马来西亚将南海视为其海洋利益拓展的前沿阵地,在南海问题趋于复杂化、国际化的背景下,马来西亚希望通过实施大国平衡战略,维持南海地区的力量平衡,创造对己有利的海上安全环境。     

局部等级视角下的东亚安全秩序与中美战略竞争

东亚秩序转型是冷战后国际关系学界争论的重要问题。在回顾既有争论的基础上,本文尝试从局部等级视角切入,分析东亚安全秩序的性质及其转型动力。局部等级体系由体系唯一超级大国领导的地区安全等级与区域内自助国家共同构成。冷战结束以来,东亚地区呈现出典型的局部等级体系特征,并在中国持续崛起的过程中逐步形成了以战略对冲为主要行为模式的安全秩序。尽管当前美国对华政策的对抗性不断增强,但是在局部等级体系下中国坚持战略对冲不但可以有效缓解自身面临的崛起困境,而且有助于防止中美陷入美苏冷战式的集团对抗,以战略对冲为核心特征的东亚安全秩序也将因此得以延续。这些发现一定程度上深化了地区安全秩序和大国竞争的理论研究,同时也有助于中美两国更为有效地管控其在东亚地区的战略竞争。     

美国国家安全认知的新视阈：人工智能与国家安全

人工智能作为一种革命性技术,正在从根本上变革国际社会的发展进程及方式。面对这一发展趋势,美国已将人工智能提升到国家安全的高度。人工智能对美国国家安全的影响主要存在于三个方面:首先,人工智能是影响和塑造未来美国国家安全的核心变量。人工智能能够优化美国在国际政治格局中的力量配比,弥合并纠正美国社会内部的分裂和失序状况,并助推美国军事实力实现“跨越式”发展。其次,有效克服人工智能的负面效应是确保未来美国国家安全的关键。人工智能可能引发诸多社会和道德问题,其固有的缺陷也将增加战争决策的风险成本,还可能增加武装冲突的频率和强度。最后,美国强调中国人工智能的快速发展对未来美国国家安全构成严重“威胁”。中美在人工智能领域的竞争已无法避免,美国认为中国正在试图“挑战”美国在高新技术领域的领导地位;为应对美国在人工智能领域对华遏制政策,中国应制定和形成人工智能研发以及应用规则和规范;通过制度化协调与合作来规制中美关系,努力避免“科技冷战”的发生。     

国家安全视角下南极法律规制的发展与应对

2015年《中华人民共和国国家安全法》从法律层面界定了中国国家安全的内涵和外延,其中包括维护在南极等新型领域的国家安全。由于中国南极事业的开展须遵循一系列的南极法律规制,因此南极法律规制的发展对中国在南极的国家安全利益具有重要意义。南极法律规制的主要内容包括和平利用与非军事化、搁置和冻结主权要求、科学研究自由、海洋生物资源养护、海事安全以及全面保护环境等。近年来,随着人类南极活动的扩展,南极法律规制出现了一些前沿性的问题,如南极主权要求国仍然强化权利主张,南极旅游和非政府活动、航空活动、特别区域保护等规则酝酿发展以及南极环境损害责任制度面临重新谈判等。这些趋势将对中国在南极的国家安全利益产生深远影响,中国可通过国内立法、发布政策文件、积极行使享有的国际法权利等途径来维护国家的南极利益。     

新时代中国参与中东安全治理的理念与实践

进入新时代以来,中国始终坚持共同、综合、合作、可持续的安全观,倡导构建中东安全新架构。在参与中东传统安全治理、化解地区冲突方面,中国始终推动对话协商,致力于公正合理解决中东热点问题,构筑兼顾各方合理关切的集体安全架构。在改善地区安全环境方面,中国抓住中东地区主要安全矛盾,顺应地区国家寻求缓和与发展的时代潮流,取得了促成沙特与伊朗复交的重大成果。在参与非传统安全治理方面,中国与中东国家共同提高应对非传统安全威胁的能力,共同维护发展中国家的权益。在参与中东安全治理的过程中,中国形成了以共同安全破解独享安全、以综合安全破解分割安全、以合作安全破解竞争安全等理念和经验,在中东安全事务中发挥了重要的建设性作用。