Climate Change and the US Security Sector: the Securitization of Climate Change

This preliminary study traces how climate change came to be viewed as a security issue in the United States through a review of policy documents and reports prepared for and by the US security sector. The paper draws upon the ideas of constructivist schools of security studies to provide an analytical framework for understanding the meaning of the securitization process as it has occurred in the United States. It then refl ects upon the adequacy of those frameworks to interpret the securitization of climate change. In the US, new knowledge of the phenomenon of climate change was fi rst constructed in the research sector, in the fi elds of meteorology and atmospheric science. Environmental and Earth sciences then became a locus of research, and climate change fi rst entered security discourse as a topic of environmental protection. As the implications of climate change and its potential impact on water resources, food production, diseases, infrastructure, and human migration came to the attention of the security sector, this knowledge stimulated an internal discourse, where each new document functioned both as a new securitization statement and as a policy response to prior documents in a chain of discourse. Actors in this securitization process included not only “speakers” making a securitization claim (knowledge claim) and “audiences” that accept or reject a claim. Importantly, it also included actors who were instrumental in translating knowledge between research and security sectors. This brief consideration suggests that social science theories that center on practice are more robust than those that center on discourse for interpreting the securitization of climate change. Improved analytic frameworks need to better account for actors whose role is to transfer and translate knowledge from one sector to another.     

Non-Traditional Overall National Security Outlook

The “New Security Concept” put forward by the Chinese authorities at the turn of the century, with “mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, and coordination” at its core, dealt mainly with non-traditional security approaches and measures in external security. However, it did not touch upon internal security or other traditional or non-traditional security issues in a broader sense. Therefore it is a low form of non-traditional security outlook and a low form of non-traditional national security outlook. When reviewing overall national security issues besides external security and international security, China has stuck to a traditional national security outlook. In comparison, taking “the people’s security as its aim,” the Overall National Security Outlook (ONSO) embodies non-traditional thinking and “attaches importance to both traditional and non-traditional security.” It is, therefore, an advanced non-traditional national security outlook. Though incorporating rich non-traditional national security issues, the ONSO deals with various traditional national security issues, as well. The ONSO is non-traditional in that it handles and highlights non-traditional national security issues; it is holistic because it pays dual attention to both traditional and nontraditional national security issues; it is advanced as it incorporates both traditional and non-traditional national security issues by means of non-traditional thinking.     

My Opinion on the Situation of China''''s Energy Safety

Due to the fact that energy safety concerns not only China's economic safety but also influence the so-cial development and national security,it is there-fore both an economic issue and a political issue,being the core of the overall national security, as well as political, economic and military security.This is because a country cannot survive and de-velop without energy resources.The key to energy safety is a steady supply of energy.The safe trans-port of energy in particular is an important…     

A Study of China’s National Security System

In order to address the increasingly complicated and volatile security situation at home and abroad, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has put forward clear strategic requirements “to improve the national security system” and taken as its general goal “to institute a centralized, unifi ed, effi cient and authoritative national security system,” which gives full expression to the important position of a national security system in the work of national security. China’s national security system refers to the sum total of the specifi c institutions and codes of conduct for the administration of national security and is aimed at providing institutional support to ensure that China is a secure state and has the capacity to remain so. The division of functions of national security, the administration system of state security organs, the management system of human resources for national security, the power-responsibility mechanism and legal guarantees are the essential elements that constitute China’s national security system. We can clearly understand the characteristics of China’s national security system in different periods and trace its development by studying its history. Besides, we must be fully aware that such problems as insufficient research into the national security system, unclear division of the functions of national security, lack of strength in the building of state security organs, and a lag in the construction of the legal system concerning national security, inhibit the full functionality of China’s national security system. If these problems are not solved in a timely manner, China will have diffi culty resolving the various challenges to its national security. Therefore, the most effective ways to improve China’s national security system are: to defi ne in a scientifi c and rational style the functions of China’s national security at the present stage, give full rein to the powers of the National Security Committee of the CPC Central Committee; and forge a high-quality national security force.     

The Essence of Non-Traditional Security Issues and Their Solutions

Non-traditional security issues have arisen since the 1960s, especially after the end of the Cold War, and are becoming a major issue in world security and politics. This reflects tremendous changes in the world situation. With diverse causes and plural referent objects, non-traditional security issues cover nearly all the problems in the world today and make development difficult to sustain. This raises the question of whether human society and the earth can survive. Power politics one-sidedly stresses the role of power, endangering the harmonious development of nations and the whole of human society. It is not at all conducive to the solution of non-traditional security issues. The solution of non-traditional security issues demands cooperation from all actors in the international community. Multiple means are needed to solve these issues. Equal dialogue between all the actors, which can easily be attained, will play an effective role, as long as all actors respect each other＇s differences.     

Bolster Confidence and Cooperation Seek Common Security

Security is a basic need and a prerequisite for the existence and development of the human society. For this reason, countries of the world have one and all prioritized peace and security issues and hope to have a favorable international security environment. For almost half a century after World War II, the world remained in a state of tensions and confrontation between the West and the East in the Cold War. The traditional concept of security at that time was characterized by antagonism; …     

My Opinion on the Situation of China＇s Energy Safety

Due to the fact that energy safety concerns not only China‘s economic safety but also influence the social development and national security, it is therefore both an economic issue and a political issue, being the core of the overall national security, as well as political, economic and military security. This is because a country cannot survive and develop without energy resources. The key to energy safety is a steadv suoolv of enerav.     

On New Concept of Nuclear Deterrence

Nuclear weaponry is undoubtedly the most important ＂military legacy＂ to the 21st century left over by the last century. The concept of nuclear deterrence, derived from nuclear weaponry, is one of the important elements in international security and strategic studies in the past 50 years. Although nuclear deterrence is still regarded as a major pillar for maintaining stable relations between major powers and for safeguarding national security, yet profound changes have taken place in its meaning.     

Learn from the Past Experience and Lessons and Push China-U.S. Relations to a Brighter Future

The relationship between China and the United States is the most important bilateral relations in the world. Though being the most complicated relationship, it has been managed as the most successful one in the world. In terms of population, territorial size, overall national strength and international status, both China and the United Sates are big countries with great influence in the world arena. The nature and value of such a relationship between major powers exceeds that of pure bilateral relations. China-U.S. relations not only have a close bearing on the fundamental interests of the two peoples, but also are of vital importance to world peace, security and development.     

Constructing and Conceptualizing “Interdependent Hegemony” in an Era of the Rise of the BRICS and Beyond

The paper aims to provide a framework for understanding the global impact of the rise of the “Second World” (emerging powers, such as BRICS) brought about by globalization and the transformation of international relations and international political economy. The paper takes the point of departure from one of Gramsci’s key conceptual categories and analytical apparatus, e.g. “hegemony,” to explore the extent that the upsurge of the emerging powers has reshaped the terrain and parameters of social, economic and political relations both at the national and global levels, and has exerted pressure on the existing international order in terms of both opportunities and constraints. The paper intends to examine the dialectical nexus between the role of the emerging powers as a counter-hegemonic, socio-economic and socio-political force for a new world order. The paper’s analytical approach is to combine neo-Gramscian hegemony theories with critical post-hegemony theories. The conclusion of the paper is to suggest that in an era of globalization and transformational capitalism it is impossible for the emerging powers to establish an alternative independent hegemony; rather, the world will witness a new era of “interdependent hegemony,” in which both the “First World” and the “Second World” are intertwined in a constant process of shaping and reshaping the world order in the nexus of national interest, regional orientation, common economic and political agendas, security alliance and potential confl icts.     

ABSTRACTS

As a US--sold new geopolitical concept, the Indo--Pacific represents an ambitious attempt to sustain US leadership and maximize its interests in the Asia--Pacific and Indian Ocean region by emphasizing maritime security and exclusive al- liance/partnerships. India, Japan and Australia respond to the initiative on the basis of their respective interest calcula- tions and policy preferences and seek an important role. The strategic notion of the Indo--Pacific and its implementation will greatly influence the regional multilateral relationships as well as China＇ s policy options toward the changing security landscape.     

CPC Statements and Decisions on National Security

Since 1982, the Communist Party of China （CPC） Central Committee has gradually deepened and extended its understanding of national security issues, and expanded this from the more traditional fields into a range of non-traditional fields as well. This can be seen in important documents such as the reports of the 14th ,15th, 16th and 17th National Congress of the CPC and the Decisions of the 4th and 6th Plenary Sessions of the 16th CPC Central Committee and the 3rd Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee. The CPC Central Committee has also decided that ＂with the understanding that the causes of traditional and non-traditional security threats are interrelated, we will strive to improve awareness of and strategies for national security, ＇accelerating＇ and ＇enhancing＇ the creation of a scientific, coordinated and efficient mechanisms for safeguarding national security. We will also strive to incorporate the influential Decisions on national security into our specific areas of work, including ＇the Party＇s governance capacity＇, ＇building a harmonious society＇ and ＇rural reform and development＇ and so on.＂     

Three Modes of Thinking and Policy Orientation of Cultural Security

Three types of relations are entangled nowadays in dealing with issues concerning national cultural security on both the theoretical and practical levels: (1) the relation between one’s own culture and that of other ethnic groups; (2) the relation between advanced and underdeveloped parts of culture; (3) the relation between one’s ethnic culture and so-called foreign advanced culture as related to the previous two. Accordingly, three modes of thinking are likely adopted in handling issues concerning national cultural security: to antagonize one’s own culture with that of other ethnic groups, that is, taking the “me or you” attitude; to dualize cultures as the “advanced” and the “underdeveloped”, that is, believing things to be good if not bad, or vice versa; and to assert that the ethnic are the advanced, that is, taking the “only-megood” stance. It is a very demanding job to maintain national culture and to pursue cultural development at the same time. Only when cultures are grouped into those without distinction between the advanced and the underdeveloped and those with such distinction can the relation between the ethnic and the advanced be properly handled. With the former, it is essential to maintain the ethnicity of one’s own culture before the cultural security is safeguarded. With the latter, however, the pursuit of advanced cultures and the advocacy of the advanced part of a particular culture is a key to ensuring and safeguarding the national cultural security. Hence, it is important to enhance the public awareness of cultural security, and more essentially for the government to offer scientifi cally appropriate orientation towards cultural security and to frame related policies.     

The Urgency for an International Consensus on Afghanistan's Reconstruction

The six speakers this morning have helped us see more clearly and from different perspectives the reality of the intemational community' s joint efforts to help with the reconstruction of Afghanistan and each party's position and policies.The six speakers confirmed the view of Mr.Alvaro de Vasconcelos that various national and international actors are playing a part in the reconstruction process.In Afghanistan,we have seen the positive role played by the International Red Cross.But we cannot deny that there are also lots of other non-state actors playing a role,from A1 Qaeda to the intemational arms industry that profit from war.     

The Difficulties of Common Security: On the Need for Value Consensus as a Basis for International Security

The essence of international security is common security, which relies heavily on basic consensus on security concepts and strategies among nations. However, since the beginning of the 20 th century, such a consensus or value basis has become very “thin” as a result of the following four factors: the inception of the global international system along with its cultural diversity; the great changes in political, economic and military arenas; the rise of nationalism and popular politics; and the emergence of superpowers and their antagonistic ideologies. Within strategic culture, there is juxtaposition between confrontational culture and cooperative culture. In security concepts, people have different preferences for national, international or global security. In terms of security strategies, there exist several competing models such as hegemonic stability, balance of power and institutional cooperation. The primary aims of international security remain: avoiding major wars, maintaining the stability of the international system and safeguarding the integrity of the nations. There are two new challenges: promoting global economic justice to avoid any domestic or international conflicts caused by an imbalanced international economic order; and meeting the challenges of various non-conventional security issues affecting human life on a global scale. In an era of security interdependence, the international community must make joint efforts to rebuild the consensus on security in light of the fundamental values of common security and cooperative security, and to practice a truly “international” security strategy so as to break away from the security dilemmas inflicted by each nation’s reliance on its own self-help and competing “national” security strategy.     

Security, Development and International Co-Prosperity (Part I)

Under the guidance of the overall concept of national security, China is in need of a national security strategy centered on “effective security,” which is targeted at enhanced, relative, open, sustainable, multi-dimensional, developmental, common, coordinated, and moderate security. The strategic guiding principles are set forth for the sustainable development and effectiveness of China’s national security, that is, 1) combination of security with joint development; 2) integration of reactive and proactive approaches; 3) elimination of both direct and root causes; 4) enhancement of cooperation and defensive capacities; and 5) balance of domestic and international security. It is also desirable that China should reduce its reactive mindset, reinforce a proactive mindset and enhance its capacity in shaping and creating a favorable security environment. Effective security requires a centralized, efficient, professional and law-binding national security mechanism. The external layout should abide by the principle of “multi-dimensional and orderly implementation, balance of domestic and international security, and compatibility with capability.” This article expounds on the status quo of China’s national security strategy in the ten functional areas of security, political, military, economy, social, public, internet, religious, energy, environment and overseas security. After identifying the materialization of effective security and assessing the existing problems, it makes some suggestions about corresponding policies and strategic initiatives. China should also learn from the lessons of the United States and the Soviet Union whose misguided and excessive security concerns in the post-9/11 era and the late phase of the Cold War era respectively resulted in depletion of national strength, scattered resources, incompatible capacities and eventually the unsustainability of national security. Therefore, China should attach great importance to the co-prosperity and complementarity of security and development, take a path of sustainable development of national security with Chinese characteristics, and make its due contributions to world peace and development of the entire human race.     

On the Mechanism of the Internet’s Impacts on International Politics

The Internet expands the field for international politics. It unveils its inner operational logic by exerting its influence on international politics. The Internet, by either guiding or negating the conducts of actors through its own unique innate quality, forces these actors to obey its inherent laws so as to better maintain their own interests. Firstly, this paper attempts to reveal, through level analysis, how the Internet made an impact on international politics, namely by the route of the individual, state and international system. Secondly, taking state interest, power and security as the core of Internet’s action on international politics, it demonstrates that there is no absolute Internet freedom and that the interests and security of the state come before all. The third part of the paper illustrates the catalytical, synchronical and constructional role of the Internet in promoting the transition of international structure. As an information medium, the Internet helps promote changes in international politics. As an advanced technology, it helps international politics constantly identify itself with the development of the times. The all-inclusive interactive communication following the advent of microblogs and Social Networking Services (SNS) helps provide conditions in which international society is evolving itself into a world society in the world of Internet.     

The Rise of Asian Defense Diplomacy： Convergence or Divergence in Sino-Australian Security Relations？

The rise of multilateral defense diplomacy in Asia is an important new phenomenon.In addition to the newly established ADMM+ process and the Shangri-La Dialogue(SLD) ,ASEAN defense ministers,ASEAN chiefs of defense and ASEAN chiefs of intelligence are now all meeting on a regular basis.Such gatherings were almost unthinkable as recently as a decade ago.This paper seeks to interpret these developments and their implications for the Sino-Australian security relationship.It argues that while these recent developments appear to reflect a deepening of Asian security cooperation,they are actually a manifestation of an intensifying institutional competition,namely between the ASEAN-centered ADMM and the Western-backed SLD.This,in turn,is symptomatic of a broader institutional contestation——reflecting underlying strategic competition——which is becoming a distinctive feature of Asia’s emerging security ‘architecture.’ The paper goes on to argue that China and Australia find themselves on opposite sides of this competition and,particularly in the area of defense diplomacy,are likely to become increasingly important players in fuelling it.The paper concludes by observing why such a dynamic is potentially problematic and offers a modest set of policy recommendations designed to assist Beijing and Canberra in addressing and alleviating their competitive tendencies.     

Global Energy Governance Changes:Challenges and Reform Trends

The energy issue is a focal point in intemational relations not only at the level of nation-states but in transnational and interdisciplinary facets.The advance of globalization and scientific-technological development,the absolute need for reliable,continued energy supply for stability and the protection of humanity,make it imperative for all actors to coordinate and cooperate.Modern-day energy governance was given birth out of security concems from major energy consumers.Today's major energy importers such as China still need to guard energy supply security but,additionally,fluctuating prices also impact energy exporters.The non-marketization factor has accentuated the uncertainty of energy prices.The carrier of global energy governance currently is a multi-level,diverse and dispersed network.1     

The International Migration of Talent and Talent Security

There are basically three different types of internationally mobile talent： industry talents, professionals, and talents of the social sciences and culture. There are seven different factors underlying the international migration of talented people： the global income gap, the pursuit of personal worth, requirements of national development, technical innovation, industrial agglomeration, language and cultural compatibility, and immigration policies. The international migration of talent increasingly highlights the issue of international talent security, and has a far-reaching impact on personal safety, as well as national and global security. Therefore, cooperation on international talent safety issues should be strengthened in order to establish a more regular order to the international migration of talent, and to reduce the negative effects brought about by it, so as to promote economic globalization and sound economic and political progress in the international community.