乌克兰与独联体经济一体化

经济全球化、区域经济一体化是当今世界经济的主要发展趋势。为适应新形势,迎接全球化、一体化的挑战,乌克兰将加深与独联体各国的经济一体化。2003年9月即将成立的独联体自由贸易区和乌克兰、俄罗斯、白俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦“统一经济空间”是乌克兰参与独联体经济一体化的首选方式。本文以区域经济一体化的理论为基础,简要回顾独联体经济一体化的发展历程,分析乌克兰与俄罗斯、白俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦建立“统一经济空间”的现实性及前景,并对未来发展趋势作出展望和判断,指出:乌克兰与独联体经济一体化的成功与否将主要取决于乌克兰对外关系的总体走向,建立乌克兰、俄罗斯、白俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦“统一经济空间”是乌克兰在“融入欧洲”战略步履维艰情况下做出的加深与“东方”国家全面合作的一部分,是乌克兰在未来一个时期内摆脱经济危机、融入世界经济体系的重要途径。     

独联体内“四国统一经济空间”相关问题探析

2003年9月19日，独联体中经济规模最大的俄罗斯、乌克兰、哈萨克斯坦和白俄罗斯正式签署了建立“四国统一经济空间”的协议，这无疑为独联体经济一体化进程掀开了新的篇章。长期以来一直游离于独联体核心圈之外的乌克兰加入其中是“四国统一经济空间”最显著的特点。在可预见的未来，“四国统一经济空间”可为独联体经济一体化的发展提供成功的机遇，但实现过程并非坦途。为了使“四国统一经济空间”顺利向前发展，就目前而言，四国应在入世问题上协调政策，统一立场；俄罗斯应尽快使所有以俄为中心的三个集团(俄白联盟国家、欧亚经济共同体和四国统一经济空间)的一体化方案协调一致并千方百计地加强在成员国，特别是在乌克兰的经济存在。     

试析乌克兰语言政策的去俄罗斯化

独立后,乌克兰历届政府均实施了“去俄罗斯化”语言政策,主要表现在通过语言立法降低俄语地位、缩小俄语使用范围以及改造乌语等方面。究其原因,乌当局将打压俄语作为矫正历史上语言强权的工具、缓解国家认同危机的途径以及乌俄关系中外交博弈的手段。由于乌境内俄语居民众多、俄语地位在乌俄关系中扮演重要角色、语言政策受到国际组织监察等因素的影响,乌克兰未来语言政策的去俄罗斯化将不会有更大的发展空间。     

俄罗斯与乌克兰经贸合作关系论析

俄罗斯与乌克兰的经贸合作关系问题,是研究俄乌两国关系的重要方面,也是在独联体问题上被关注的焦点之一.本文以翔实的资料为基础,在简要回顾俄乌经贸合作关系的发展历程以及分析两国经贸合作关系的发展现状与问题的基础上,着重分析研究了俄乌两国经贸合作关系的发展趋势与前景,并对一些具体合作领域的未来发展作了展望和判断.认为俄罗斯与乌克兰今后仍将是互为最重要的经济合作伙伴,两国经贸合作关系的发展前景依然总体看好.     

影响俄罗斯与乌克兰关系的地缘经济因素解析

在一个相互依赖日益强化的世界里,地缘经济冲突和地缘经济力量已经成为影响国家间关系的重要因素。苏联解体后,俄罗斯与乌克兰毗邻的现状以及历史上形成的经济联系,并没有因为边界和关税的存在而消失。俄乌经济关系的互补性和经济联系的紧密性,不能不对俄乌两国关系的走向产生影响,在某种程度上还是很重要的影响。俄乌之间的经济关系和政治关系的发展是成正比例关系的。地缘经济因素成为影响俄乌关系的重要因素。     

文明冲突视角下的乌克兰与俄罗斯关系研究

乌克兰是一个＂具有两种文化的割裂的国家＂,东部乌克兰属于东正教文明,而西部属于西方天主教-新教文明。在乌克兰与俄罗斯关系中,东正教文明和西方天主教-新教文明同时在起作用,两种文明博弈的结果决定了乌克兰对外政策的制定,也决定了乌俄关系的走向。乌克兰最大可能仍将是一个统一的、充满裂痕的、独立的国家,乌俄关系总体上仍将保持密切合作。     

俄乌冲突与俄罗斯的中东外交战略：挑战与应对

“阿拉伯之春”后,俄罗斯以叙利亚危机为战略着力点,全面介入叙利亚事务,对中东政治产生深刻影响。俄乌冲突爆发导致俄罗斯在中东的战略利益受到挑战,主要表现为俄乌冲突引发中东国家粮食危机,俄对中东地区的政治影响力弱化;俄罗斯在乌克兰的军事行动,致使俄军事武器销售受阻,其在中东的军事影响力减弱等。一方面,作为世界粮食生产大国,俄罗斯可增加对中东粮食出口,从而避免中东国家因粮食问题引发社会动荡,维护俄罗斯既有的中东利益;另一方面,俄罗斯加强多边外交,积极发展与中东国家的政治、经济关系,并在深化双边关系的基础上,与中东国家协调能源供应,维持高油价。俄罗斯与中东国家加速发展多元化的经贸关系,与扩大俄在中东政治影响力的外交战略完全一致。     

俄欧经贸合作的动因、特点及发展趋势

俄罗斯与欧盟开展与对方的经贸合作的目的不尽相同,然而十余年来,俄欧经贸合作全面迅速发展,成效十分显著,尤其在能源领域合作成果更是令世人瞩目。展望未来俄欧经贸合作的发展趋势,短期内仍将维持以能源合作为主的稳定发展态势,中长期有可能实现建立“统一经济空间”的战略目标。     

欧洲政治中的俄罗斯与乌克兰

冷战结束以来,原苏联的主要东欧盟国已经被纳入欧盟—北约体系,后苏联空间的部分地区也已经被计划纳入欧盟—北约体系。乌克兰作为欧盟北约和俄罗斯的"共同邻国",俄乌关系不可避免地具有了欧洲政治属性。欧洲政治的目标就是要把乌克兰纳入欧盟北约体系,这同俄罗斯的利益产生尖锐的矛盾。要缓解俄乌关系必须从调整俄欧关系入手。     

俄美对乌克兰争夺态势

一 冷战后,欧洲地缘政治发生了重大变化,在俄罗斯与西欧之间一度出现了“三道防线”。以美国为首的北约为进一步挤压俄的战略空间和分化瓦解俄的势力范围,扩大其战略纵深,在首轮东扩将俄的“第一道防线”——中东欧国家相继冲垮后,即将在第二轮东扩中拿下波罗的海国家,攻破原苏联地区范围,即俄罗斯的“第二道防线”。紧接着将实施第三轮东扩,向俄的“第三道防线”,也即俄最后一道势力范围防线——独联体地区国家进军,而乌克兰是其中的主要目标。由于乌是俄与西欧之间最后一道 “缓冲线”,且长期是其势力范围,乃至是俄本土之一部分,俄不会轻易让以美国为首的北约收入囊中。为此,俄美对乌展开激烈争夺,乌与俄美关系呈现微妙、复杂的状态。 （一）美乌关系。冷战后,美国为推行全球战略,一直在分化和瓦解前苏联的势力。由于乌位于欧亚大陆地缘     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Culture,liberation, and 'development'

Most of the socio-economic changes taking place in Africa and much of the South are externally driven. External agencies, often in league with the State, by-pass working people and do not involve them in the decision-making processes. Their economic approaches ignore people's cultures and their world view. This denies working people a creative capacity to adapt new techniques and knowledge to their own concrete reality. This article argues for the importance of the historical frame of reference and for the centrality of culture in socio-economic processes. The author argues against approaches which are not culturally familiar to working people.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Negotiation,politics, and management

Book reviews in this article:
Samuel B. Bacharach and Edward J. Lawler , Power and Politics in Organizations: The Social Psychology of Conflict, Coalitions, and Bargaining .
Max H. Bazerman and Roy J. Lewicki , eds., Negotiating in Organizations .
Jeffrey Pfeffer , Power in Organizations .