中国和东盟在大湄公河次区域的合作

大湄公河次区域是中国与东盟部分国家合作的重要平台。中国与东盟在大湄公河次区域存在着较为接近的合作目标,符合双方及次区域国家的共同利益。中国与东盟在大湄公河次区域合作的主要机制有大湄公河次区域经济合作计划、东盟—湄公河流域发展合作计划与湄公河委员会。中国与东盟在大湄公河次区域的合作对促进次区域经贸发展、构建东盟共同体与东亚一体化进程具有十分重要的战略意义。     

湄公河水资源国际法律体制研究及其对中国的启示——以"一带一路"建设为背景

中国一直都希望能与湄公河区域保持和平友好的国际合作关系,特别是自2013年中国提出"一带一路"倡议以来,与澜沧江—湄公河流域合作的重要性日益凸显,有关的各项议题也越来越具有研究价值.本文在"一带一路"建设的指导下,以湄公河流域水资源国际法律体制为研究主体,对该流域跨境水资源可持续开发利用管理的国际法律体制进行较为深入的分析.文章首先分析了该体制的法律基础,从相关国际法律渊源的角度阐述了该体制的层次性及系统性.接下来着重分析了该体制的核心法律基础——《湄公河协定》,同时也分析了在此协定基础上所建立的湄公河委员会.文章详细阐述了协定的目标、任务和原则,以及委员会的法律人格、结构、争端解决机制等相关内容,同时也对这一核心法律基础及其组织机构做出了相应的评价.最后,基于前文以及"一带一路"中的相关内容,提出了对中国的相关启示.文章为在"一带一路"框架下开展与湄公河流域各国的水资源合作发展提供良好的信息基础,对建立和促进相关合作也有着十分重要的意义.     

论大湄公河次区域合作与中国—东盟自由贸易区的建立

大湄公河次区域合作是中国—东盟自由贸易区建设中的主要载体。积极开展这一合作符合国际的根本利益和战略定位 ,有利于促进东盟内部各国统一化进程 ,其主要机制对中国—东盟自由贸易区计划起到了主要的促进和催化作用。云南作为我国参与大湄公河次区域合作的主体应在中国—东盟自由贸易区的建设中做出应有的贡献。     

浅析大湄公河次区域合作

大湄公河次区域(英语简称GMS)合作是中国(云南与广西)、泰国、缅甸、老挝、柬埔寨和越南6国在澜沧江-湄公河流域开展的次区域合作.     

中国参与湄公河次区域经济合作及其进展

中国参与湄公河次区域经济合作已有10多年的历程,呈现出广阔的发展前景。我国参与湄公河次区域经济合作具有十分重要而深远的意义,它将极大改善我国经济发展的周边环境,推进实施大西南对外开放与开发战略,并使之成为中国-东盟自由贸易区的实验区。     

依托大湄公河次区域合作消除“金三角”的贫困和毒品

大湄公河次区域又称澜沧江-湄公河次区域,指的是中国的云南省与缅甸、老挝、泰国、柬埔寨和越南5国,该区域面积233.19万平方公里,总人口2.46亿,其合作前身是湄公河流域开发计划.     

在大湄公河次区域经济合作中的柬埔寨

2002年11月3日,首次大湄公河次区域经济合作领导人会议在柬埔寨首都金边开幕。这次会议是湄公河流域开发史上一次最高级别的会议。会议主题是“通过区域一体化实现大湄公河次区域的增长、公平和繁荣”。会议议程包括评估过去10年湄公河区域合作取得的成果,展望未来10年的合作前景和确认合作承诺,并讨论如何加快发展伙伴关系。这次首脑会议是大湄公河次区域经济合作方面取得的一项重大进展,对湄公河流域内各国(即中国、泰国、越南、缅甸、老挝、柬埔寨)经济合作的全面展开将产生深远的影响。     

澜沧江—湄公河流域水资源合作机制研究

水资源是大湄公河流域最丰富、最具开发价值的战略性资源.本文根据目前大湄公河流域各个国家参与开发该区域现状,探讨今后澜沦江—湄公河流域水资源合作机制,以期有效协调各机制、各行为体之间的关系,从而更好地推动此区域水资源开发利用的合作进程.     

中国云南省参与大湄公河次区域贸易状况及对策研究

大湄公河次区域(GMS)合作由湄公河流域的6个国家参加,旨在改善该区域的基础设施,扩大贸易与投资。本文以中国云南省与该次区域的其他国家的贸易活动为出发点,通过分析云南省参与GMS合作的贸易状况,提出云南参与和推动次区域经济合作的思路,以推动云南省经济的发展。     

大湄公河次区域合作：复杂的合作机制和中国的参与

自90年代初由亚行牵头与澜沧江—湄公河沿岸的柬、中、老、缅、泰、越六国共同建立起大湄公河次区域经济合作机制,在国际上一般称为“大湄公河次区域合作”,即把“大湄公河”作为澜沧江(中国境内云南段)和湄公河(流经中南半岛段)的统称。大湄公河次区域合作开展以来,合作范围日趋扩大,机制也越来越多样复杂。本文拟对此作一个简要的分析,并提出中国及云南省的参与对策。     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

美苏政治文化差异与冷战起源

一国政治文化对国家对外决策有不可忽视的影响。美苏政治文化中相互冲突的部分对两国战后初期外交决策以及冷战爆发产生重要影响，国家间的政治文化沟通对处理国家间相互关系具有重要意义。     

Strengthen the Communication Among the Youth and Enhance the Mutual Understanding and Trust

AttheinvitationoftheInternationalInitiativesofChangeAssociationofJapanIICAJIaccompa-niedMr.LiYangCouncilMemberofChineseAs-sociationforInternationalUnderstandingCAFIUonthevisittoJapanfromJune10to18andat-tendedthe27thInternationalConferenceoftheInitiativeofChangeinOdawara.DuringourstaythereweseparatelymetwithTutomuHataAdvi-sortotheIICAJandformerPrimeMinisterofJapanSomaYukikaHonoraryPresidentofIICAJToruHashimotoPresidentofIICAJandAdvisortotheJapanMizuhoFinancialGroupandD…     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

抗击经济衰退：象和龙

由美国引发的经济危机已经席卷全球,无论是西方发达国家和地区如日本、欧盟,还是发展中国家如印度、中国,都已笼罩在全球经济衰退的阴影中。本文探讨作为正在崛起的亚洲大国——印度和中国,应采取怎样的措施遏制全球经济危机对本国经济造成更严重的伤害,以及印中两国如何借鉴对方在应对经济危机过程中采取的有效政策以尽快重新走上经济发展的正轨。     

Caught between Europe and the orient: Israel and the EMP

As the case of Transnistria illustrates, the politico-economic arrangements of de facto states are marked by a tendency to sacrifice the economy to political objectives. Despite non-recognition and limited local resources, these entities manage to make use of their ambiguous status and external support to sustain their claims to statehood. Yet, the priority of these claims over economic development, as well as strategies of survival in general can have unintended effects on unrecognised state-building projects, such as the emergence of a spin-off opposition or public disillusionment.     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.