首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 125 毫秒
1.
What impact does a shift in the global distribution of power have on the international order? According to the views of traditional realists, power transitions in the international order are usually accompanied by major wars, the best example being the two world wars of the twentieth century. China's peaceful rise is conducive to the peace and stability of Asia and Pacific regions. The steady rise of China's position and its role in dealing with international and regional problems have proved China's success in "cooperative security". This paper analyzes the security order in the Asia-Pacific region1 that China wants to construct to provide important guarantees to its peaceful rise. Firstly, I review and compare key arguments about the transition of international systems and China's Asia-Pacific strategy, Secondly, I investigate the dynamics between China's peaceful rise and the "cooperative security" which I think are the collective embodiments of modem transformation and the restructuring of China's traditional strategic culture. Thirdly, I examine how to construct a mechanism of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region to guarantee China's peaceful rise on both political and economic levels. Economic cooperation and free trade in Asia-Pacific region is an important route to regional economic integrity which will guarantee China's role in maintaining the political and economic security in the region.  相似文献   

2.
With China’s rise to a nominal second largest economy in the world,the rapid promotion of China’s power and international status stands in stark contrast to the depression in the Western economy.The suspicion of Western powers towards rising China aggravates,and the interaction between China and outside world enters a more complicated phase.  相似文献   

3.
This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the World War II and the victory of the Anti-Fascist War. The WWII is an unprecedented disaster for humanity and, however, it can never be guaranteed that world wars will not break out again in the future. Just as wars can be classified as cold wars and hot wars, peace can also be defined as cold peace and real peace. Cold Peace, as an unstable state in the international relations, may bring misleading perception of peace, where peace is taken for granted, and potential crises may lead to international conflicts/ wars. This is clearly reflected in concerns of western scholars as exemplified by what is called Kissinger’s Worry and Haass’s Question. This paper approaches the question from a strategic and historical perspective and draws the following three conclusions: 1) historically, it takes a long time for people to realize the negative impacts of wars; 2) currently, we are in a dangerous stage of cold peace in terms of international security; 3) the Sino-US and Sino-Japanese relations will be crucial to the major power relations that affect China’s the national security in the future. China should find ways to deal with the two major relations and play its role in maintaining the world peace.  相似文献   

4.
The intertwining and extensive interactions between geopolitical, international economic and geo-religious factors have become the major features of geoborderilogy in the 21st century. The essence of geo-religion lies in the discursive power and the power of persuasion to influence popular views. With the globalization of China’s national interests and the comprehensive implementation of China’s "go global" strategy, religion should play its due role in China’s global foreign strategies.  相似文献   

5.
Many Chinese scholars have described China as the world's second biggest power after the U.S.. This is based on two facts. First, China overtook Japan in total economic output measured by GDP in 2010 to become the world's second biggest economy. Some scholars argue that China still lags behind the U.S. in comprehensive national power and in this sense it is also ranked second) The other is that Sino-U.S. relations are frequently described as the rise and fall of big powers, especially when referring to the Asia-Pacific region. It is the latest example of how relations between a rising power and one struggling to maintain its status have been so complex in the long history of international relations. While many people talk about the possibility that China will overtake the U.S. in the future, others talk about a G2.2 If we look closely at global trends and changes to China' s international environment, if we examine what exactly we mean by power status, we will have a much deeper understanding of China' s current power status from which we can build a solid foundation for this country' s foreign strategy and diplomacy.  相似文献   

6.
China’s rise is accompanied by a corresponding growth in its international influence. Not only does this kind of influence have its roots in history and imagination,but it is also an inevitable result of China’s growing strength and economy over the past few decades.It is difficult to accurately quantify a country’s international influence.China’s growing international influence has its own distinct characteristics,marked by the country’s unique national interests.A more influential China is not only good for China’s own development;it is also good for the world.  相似文献   

7.
Against the intensifying strategic competition among major powers, international organizations have increasingly become a new battlefield of China-US strategic competition, where the US still dominates but China has also gained advantages in some areas. With China’s rising power and influence, the advantage of the US is relatively declining. The US has thus begun to limit China’s growing influence in international organizations and involve in strategic competition with China through internationa...  相似文献   

8.
As many countries have entered a new period of adjustment and developmental competition in the wake of the financial crisis, some profound changes and transformations have inevitably taken place in the international strategic configuration and the international order. As the connotations and conditions of China’s new  相似文献   

9.
This article examines changes in China’s security perceptions since 1949 and sketches the evolution of China’s grand strategy. In tracing the evolution of China’s security perceptions and grand strategy since 1949, it identifies elements of change as well as continuity. The changes reflect dramatic developments in the PRC’s capabilities and the international circumstances it faces, both of which have shaped the grand strategic choices of China’s leaders. During most of the Cold War decades, a relatively weak China’s vulnerability to serious military threats from much more powerful adversaries led the CCP to adopt grand strategies focused on coping with a clearly defined external security challenge. After the Cold War and especially in the 21st century, an increasingly complex array of internal and external security concerns confronts China’s leaders with new challenges. The paper concludes with a discussion of the significance of the recently established National Security Commission and offers brief observations about its potential significance for the CCP’s leadership in their fight against the new domestic and international security challenges it faces. The novelty of China’s security challenges at home and abroad in the 21st century is a consequence of the end of the Cold War international order and perhaps more importantly, a consequence of China’s successful modernization since 1979.  相似文献   

10.
More than 170 years after the Opium War,China is returning to a more central role in international relations.The major global emergencies in 2014 indicate an historical course alteration is happening now,and China’s strategic choices will determine much of the final destination of the change.The interim period poses challenges to China’s national security and greater uncertainty in international systems.China’s rise,coupled with internal problems brought about by social transition and relatively insufficient strategic means,will make it more difficult for China to secure its interests.Provided China succeeds in this period of insecurity,the overall environment for the country will incrementally improve.Provided several factors are properly balanced,a period of relative"stability"will ensue as the negative effects brought about by China’s rise disappear.  相似文献   

11.
Is a rising China good for the stability and integration of the Asia-Pacific region? The dominant point of view in the Western world is a resounding no. However, that realist point of view, based on the very different experiences of Europe, is not appropriate in the Asia-Pacific context. Area studies are a useful tool to achieve a better understanding of the Asia-Pacific situation. This paper attempts to prove that a rising China will be good for the stability and integration of the Asia-Pacific region through the lens of historical, economic and security analyses. First, history shows that once China is strong and stable, order of the Asia-Pacific region is preserved. Second, with China's economic cooperation with neighboring countries, especially after its entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO), China's economic integration with the Asia-Pacific region has been enhanced. Third, regional security has been assured by a peaceful and strong China. Finally, the paper comes to the conclusion that a stable and strong China is beneficial for the overall stability and integration of the Asia-Pacific region.  相似文献   

12.
全球安全倡议根植于中华文明的连续性、创新性、统一性、包容性与和平性,并因此展现出以合作安全、开放安全、共同安全与多边安全为特征的理论逻辑。美国出于维护其全球霸权的动机,对亚太地区施加以竞争安全、封闭安全、分割安全和单边安全为特征的传统安全范式,导致该地区大国战略博弈日益加剧、安全阵营化趋势加快、安全困境螺旋上升和非传统安全竞争日趋升温,破坏了该地区的和平与稳定。全球安全倡议提供了一个新的安全范式,即以合作安全应对竞争安全、以开放安全对抗封闭安全、以共同安全替代分割安全、以多边安全超越单边安全。针对美国推行遏制中国的“印太战略”,全球安全倡议为实现亚太地区的普遍安全和持久和平提供了实践路径,包括促进地区大国良性互动、完善以东盟为中心的地区安全机制、塑造地区国家间的相互信任,以及强化地区非传统安全合作。  相似文献   

13.
亚太地区出现一个全新的局面。一方面,区域内的国际合作正在拓展,一个能够带来区域稳定和安全并得到普遍认同的体系正在形成。另一方面,亚太国家之间争夺地区内影响力的对抗和竞争的危险性日益加重,甚至有可能导致公开冲突并阻碍区域一体化的进程。为此,继续构建一个囊括地区内所有国家的,以合作、互信、对等安全为基础的新机制十分重要。亚太地区的发展直接影响俄罗斯联邦的利益,俄罗斯倡导要确保地区的稳定和安全,以及囊括所有亚太国家的建设性合作。近年来,俄罗斯政府特别重视促进东西伯利亚及远东地区的经济发展,该地区是俄罗斯实现亚太地区一体化的一个重要载体。开展同中国的合作,进一步开发俄罗斯远东地区,对于俄罗斯贯彻经济战略、实现经济现代化、融入亚太地区的经济空间,都具有原则性的重要意义。  相似文献   

14.
近年来,中美在亚太地区的安全矛盾持续发酵,逐渐形成安全利益、理念和地区安全秩序构想的全面对立态势,成为影响中美和平共处的重要因素。秩序疑虑与热点问题的对立是中美在亚太地区安全矛盾的主要表现。中美亚太安全矛盾的全方位突显,根本上源于两国力量对比的变化以及由此引发的权力转移态势,是中美总体力量差距背景下局部力量平衡的表现。这种力量平衡表现为:中国作为地区经济中心与美国作为地区安全中心的“二元结构平衡”;中国作为陆权大国与美国作为海权大国的“陆海权力平衡”;在中国近海区域,中美权力均衡态势初步形成。在此过程中,中美对既有安全矛盾管理的失效以及彼此安全威胁认知的反复塑造,客观上增强了矛盾对立的烈度,安全困境逐步形成。随着权力消长和政策互动,中美在亚太地区的安全困境,逐步呈现出从经典安全困境转向“国家引导型的安全困境”加剧的趋势。未来,中美亚太安全矛盾仍然会受到结构性因素的影响,而经济相互依存趋势、技术发展引发的军事威慑变化、意识形态竞争以及非传统安全合作等因素,则将决定既有安全矛盾是否会走向冲突。  相似文献   

15.
超越冷战思维,构建和谐的东北亚地区新秩序   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
当前,东北亚地区正处于冷战后的秩序重构时期。冷战时期的苏美对抗格局结束了,地区形势总体上趋向缓和,各国相互成为重要的经贸伙伴,但是,冷战思维和安全困境仍然存在,成为建立地区新秩序的重要障碍。超越冷战思维,确立平等信任、合作共赢的理念;深化经济合作,推动地区经济一体化进程;加强政治互信,建立安全对话与合作机制,建设一个和平稳定、发展繁荣的东北亚地区和谐秩序将是各国的理性选择。  相似文献   

16.
从战略的高度看东亚合作与中日安全关系   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
冷战后,东亚地区各国在安全保障与经济合作以及非传统安全等问题上,形成了相互竞争与相互合作的新格局。中日之间在安全保障以及能源环境等问题上的矛盾与合作关系,集中反映了本地区安全问题的复杂性和紧迫性。如何通过加强多国间的政治对话解决区域内的政治与安全问题,通过共同开发与合作,有效地发挥各国在资金、技术和资源方面的互补性,逐步形成有向心力、平等合作、互补互利的地区安全与经济合作机制,是构筑合作与共生的东亚国际政治经济新秩序的关键所在。  相似文献   

17.
To what extent can we speak of a distinctively ‘European’ security approach towards the Asia-Pacific region? In order to address that timely question, this article examines how Britain, France, Germany and the European Union (EU) are framing their evolving security roles in the Asia-Pacific region, and how those individual perspectives intersect with each other. The article identifies a number of important common features in Europe’s approaches towards security in the Asia-Pacific, namely the tendency of most European actors to emphasize the economic and diplomatic nature of their contribution to regional security, their promotion of regional multilateral security fora, their rejection of the notion that China’s rise is inherently challenging for regional and global security, and their willingness to signal their differences towards Washington’s emphasis on military power and alliance-based approach. However, and despite the existence of common traits, individual European actors show different degrees of closeness vis-à-vis the US and China and feature different perspectives regarding which security relationships they should prioritize in the region (if any), or the appropriate balance between diplomacy and security and defence cooperation. Such divergences prevent Europeans from developing a coherent security profile in the region and preclude us from speaking of a distinctively European security approach towards the Asia-Pacific.  相似文献   

18.
The effective cooperation between China and the other Asia-Pacific The Asia-Pacific economies has brought about a booming regional economy and turned the Asia-Pacific region into an engine of global economic growth. In this address, Mr. Chen Yuan also introduces China's new round of reform and calls for a regional partnership that needs top-level designing, continued commitment to open regionalism, and financial cooperation.  相似文献   

19.
浅析俄罗斯的东北亚战略   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
随着冷战的结束和苏联的解体,国际经济和政治格局发生了巨大的变化,进入了一个新的调整时期。尤其是20世纪90年代以来,经济区域化和全球化的发展趋势加快,东北亚区域的合作也随之发展。东北亚地区曾是冷战的前沿地区,目前又因其聚集了大国经济发展的潜力,而成为当前世界经济发展的一个热点地区。在这一国际经济、政治势力角逐的舞台上,俄罗斯无疑扮演着十分重要的角色。近年来,俄罗斯非常重视与亚太地区特别是东北亚地区的联系,并为此制定了一系列较完整的地区性战略,正是以这一战略为基础,俄罗斯从政治、经济、军事等方面在东北亚地区展开了积极的攻势。  相似文献   

20.
宋效峰 《东南亚》2011,(1):22-27
国际机制是和谐世界构建的重要路径,也是实现国家利益与世界利益和谐互动的基本手段。构建和谐亚太是推动和谐世界建设的切实步骤,积极参与和完善亚太地区有关合作机制,是保障中国与本地区其它国家共享和平与繁荣的重要条件。当前亚太地区的合作机制建设已取得较大进展,但也存在若干不足。未来中国与其他相关方仍需立足于地区实际,稳步推进本地区相关合作机制建设,通过和谐地区建构为中国的和平发展创造一个良好的周边环境和战略依托。  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号