文化误读与文化碰撞——再析西方文明与伊斯兰文明的社会互动

很久以来,西方文明与伊斯兰文明在社会互动中不断引发新的矛盾和对立.这种矛盾和对立,既源于客观现状,又源于情感及观念.换言之,由矛盾和对立引发的冲突,不仅源于两种文明间客观存在的物质性差异,而且源于双方对对方文化认知及解读的观念性差异.文章以拉什迪的<撒旦诗篇>、"丹麦漫画事件"和美军士兵涉嫌亵渎<古兰经>为典型案例,试图讨论这样一个事实:顺利和成功的社会互动,除了相互尊重、互利共赢,还需要在一系列问题上达成共识,即拥有"共有知识".如果双方所拥有的"私有知识"差异过大,甚至截然相反,而且又缺乏良好的沟通,各自以"私有知识"去解释他人的行为及其意图和动机,那么就很容易由于"文化曲解"导致"文化敌意",进而引发冲突,双方的社会互动就很容易陷入困境.     

美国-伊斯兰世界关系与"文明的冲突"

美国与伊斯兰世界间互不信任、渐行渐远成为国际关系的重要特点。导致双方关系紧张的原因很多。“文明冲突”的因素的确存在 ,但主要应归因于美国的相关政策。冷战结束以来 ,意识形态斗争并未完全被“文明的冲突”所取代 ,价值观的对立与“碰撞”凸显。不同价值观并非水火不容 ,关键是避免将自己的价值观强加于人。现在还不能说不同文明之间已经全面发生冲突 ,但是迫切需要进行文明间的对话     

现行国际秩序演变的方向与中国的选择

中国与西方国家使用不同术语来描述现行国际秩序,双方对国际秩序的认识也确实存在明显差异。但是仔细分辨之后,又能发现中国与西方的国际秩序观实际上重叠之处远大于差异之处。2008年金融危机后,国际秩序开始发生重大变化。2020年的新冠肺炎疫情进一步加剧了这一变化。一方面国际格局的变化导致西方国家认为现行国际秩序遭到新兴大国挑战,另一方面西方国家内部对全球化的不满则导致一些西方国家主动挑战现行国际秩序。当前国际秩序演变出现了自由主义色彩消退、民族国家作用逐渐强化的趋势,这将导致中国与西方国家在某些方面的竞争加剧,但也有可能导致双方对国际秩序演变方向的认知差异缩小。只有准确理解国际秩序演变的这些脉络,中国才能更好地进行战略和政策抉择以趋利避害。     

文明的再造与复兴——东西方文明兴衰的启示

历史证明,东西方文明的复兴都是文明再造的结果。一种文明能否通过再造而复兴,取决于其自我更新活力和适应客观环境变化的自我调整能力。西方文明在中世纪后半期复兴、在近代崛起并在世界占据主导性地位,是彻底摆脱了欧洲古典文明束缚后诞生的新文明在与其他文明不断交流、激烈碰撞过程中,吸收人类文明的一切优秀成果,全面再造的结果。阿拉伯文明则在近东文化和欧洲文化的交融中再造并崛起,对中世纪前半期世界文明的发展发挥了承上启下的桥梁作用。明治维新后日本的崛起,也是文明再造的过程。1840年至今,中华文明亦一直处于打破旧束缚、持续再造的过程中。东西方文明兴衰的规律表明:文明复兴的过程必然是文明再造的过程,文明唯有再造,方可复兴。文明的再造,是对传统文明扬弃更新的过程,既包含对传统文明优秀成分的继承和升华,又须摆脱传统文明糟粕成分的禁锢和束缚;既要保持自身文化的营养,又须汲取外来文化的活力。当代中国的改革开放,正以前所未有的气势和力度继续中华文明的再造,从东西方文明的兴衰规律看,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦将是历史发展的必然。     

冷战后的朝鲜半岛问题与中美政策互动

后冷战时代，朝鲜半岛问题的性质已经与冷战时期大不相同，它既取决于南北关系又受制于大国因素，从而构成了朝鲜半岛问题最根本的特点。中美两国的半岛政策及如何界定和协调彼此之间的关系在很大程度上决定了朝鲜半岛局势的发展。核危机的出现使中美双方政策互动得以真实体现，两国的朝鲜半岛政策因双方间广泛的共同利益和共识而实现了初步协调。但两国因维护和平稳定的出发点、理论和实践依据及具体实践方式的不同也导致了彼此间对朝鲜半岛问题战略和策略的分歧。尽可能确保中美两国在战略层面上的良性互动，将有助于各自作用的顺利发挥和朝鲜半岛问题的最终和平解决。     

减少和管理中美在网络空间的冲突

中美两国均把对方视为追求网络空间国家利益的一个重要竞争者.面对分歧及双方国内媒体围绕网络战充斥的夸大言论,两国决策者无意让网络问题导致双边关系脱离正轨.2015年9月,习近平主席和奥巴马总统的首脑会晤就网络安全达成了突破性协议,①为缓解未来冲突提供了一个机制,协议也成为未来国际社会讨论网络安全问题的一个典范.     

中马关系及其前景：建构主义视角下的思考

西方国际关系理论中的建构主义强调国家之间在“认知—实践”上的差异,认为国家的身份认定影响着其利益和行为,而国家的身份则是由国际社会建构而成的。据此而看,由于在冷战前后中国与马来西亚两国在各自或相互身份的认同上的变迁就导致了两国关系的巨大变化。目前,中马关系已经发展到前所未有的好时期且前景广阔,但由于双方在身份及其认同上仍存在着差异,故在发展关系时还有一些变数需要特别注意。     

塑造与被塑造——中美在国际多边机制下的互动

在全球化的大背景下,中美相互依赖加深,利益交汇点增多。而中美两国的战略抉择为双方在国际多边机制下的互动提供了必要的空间。双方利益交融和结构性矛盾并存,必然导致中美多边互动是既合作又竞争,甚至是斗争。中美在国际多边机制下的互动,既塑造了对方,也塑造了未来,推动国际多边机制的变革。不过,这将是一个从量变到质变的漫长过程。     

文明交往、国家构建与埃及发展

埃及是地中海世界和地中海文明的重要组成部分,自古以来具有大开放特征。埃及伊斯兰教化与阿拉伯化后,曾在中古时代一度辉煌,随后严重滞后于地中海北岸的资本主义文明。强化对资本主义文明的认同,有益于埃及现代民族国家的构建与未来的大发展。从文明交往的横向维度和历史发展的纵向维度探讨埃及的国家构建与发展问题,则为人们思考当前的中东变局提供了新的视角。     

文明转型与中国近代海权的困境——难以抗拒的历史性落后

对于中国近现代军事落后的原因,前人亦有阐述,本文则作进一步归纳为六大错位和四个特殊因素,前者中国和日本都具备,后者为中国所特有。本文认为,正是这四个主要的、为中国所特有的因素,导致了中国社会转型的缓慢,导致包括海军军种在内的国防现代化历经百年长途跋涉仍落后于西方。鸦片战争以来170多年的历史已经表明:这种落后具有不可抗拒性。在对外战争中,由于战场上因武器装备落后而屡遭惨败,"民心向背"决定战争胜负的中国传统"伦理主义"战争观已被西方"技术主义"所彻底颠覆。     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

美苏政治文化差异与冷战起源

一国政治文化对国家对外决策有不可忽视的影响。美苏政治文化中相互冲突的部分对两国战后初期外交决策以及冷战爆发产生重要影响，国家间的政治文化沟通对处理国家间相互关系具有重要意义。     

Strengthen the Communication Among the Youth and Enhance the Mutual Understanding and Trust

AttheinvitationoftheInternationalInitiativesofChangeAssociationofJapanIICAJIaccompa-niedMr.LiYangCouncilMemberofChineseAs-sociationforInternationalUnderstandingCAFIUonthevisittoJapanfromJune10to18andat-tendedthe27thInternationalConferenceoftheInitiativeofChangeinOdawara.DuringourstaythereweseparatelymetwithTutomuHataAdvi-sortotheIICAJandformerPrimeMinisterofJapanSomaYukikaHonoraryPresidentofIICAJToruHashimotoPresidentofIICAJandAdvisortotheJapanMizuhoFinancialGroupandD…     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

抗击经济衰退：象和龙

由美国引发的经济危机已经席卷全球,无论是西方发达国家和地区如日本、欧盟,还是发展中国家如印度、中国,都已笼罩在全球经济衰退的阴影中。本文探讨作为正在崛起的亚洲大国——印度和中国,应采取怎样的措施遏制全球经济危机对本国经济造成更严重的伤害,以及印中两国如何借鉴对方在应对经济危机过程中采取的有效政策以尽快重新走上经济发展的正轨。     

Caught between Europe and the orient: Israel and the EMP

As the case of Transnistria illustrates, the politico-economic arrangements of de facto states are marked by a tendency to sacrifice the economy to political objectives. Despite non-recognition and limited local resources, these entities manage to make use of their ambiguous status and external support to sustain their claims to statehood. Yet, the priority of these claims over economic development, as well as strategies of survival in general can have unintended effects on unrecognised state-building projects, such as the emergence of a spin-off opposition or public disillusionment.     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.