区域间主义:逻辑起点与研究对象——以东亚一拉美合作论坛为例

厘清逻辑起点和研究对象对于区域间主义的研究至关重要,但是迄今为止,关于这方面的研究并未引起学者们的足够重视。文章从区域概念、区域作为国际政治行为体的合理性以及区域作为区域间主义逻辑起点的合理性三个方面对区域间主义的逻辑起点进行了理论剖析,从历史经验视角和理性分析视角分别对区域间主义的研究对象进行了深入分析,并在此基础上,以东亚一拉美合作论坛为例,对区域间主义进行了现实考察,从而有助于更加深刻地认识和理解区域间主义的逻辑起点和研究对象。通过对理论和现实两个维度的探究,文章认为,区域间主义的逻辑起点是作为一个整体的区域,区域问主义的研究对象包括区域、区域之间的各种关系及其变化发展的一般规律。     

东亚区域间主义:理论与现实

作为国际治理结构的一部分,东亚的区域间主义在解决当代国际关系中日益增多的跨区域问题发挥了重要作用。本文从经验和理论层面对区域间主义的概念、形式进行了梳理,扩大了对东亚区域间主义的理论认识。通过相关理论分析,本文认为权力平衡、利益共享、地区身份建构等因素直接推动了东亚区域间主义的发展,但东亚区域间主义仍然处于考验之中,其发展还取决于诸多相关因素。     

新制度主义与欧盟研究

20世纪80年代以来,新制度主义回归到政治学研究中,同时也成为了欧盟研究新学说中的一种。本文从新制度主义的三个流派即理性选择制度主义、历史制度主义和社会学制度主义的基本假设出发,着重论述了它们在欧盟研究中的具体运用。本文最后指出,虽然这些不同的流派在某些解释和阐述上存在着相互补充、相互借用的可能,但是由于它们在本体论和认知论方面提供的是相互竞争的诠释,因此,它们在这个层面上彼此之间是难以调和的。     

描绘欧洲未来的蓝图——欧洲一体化进程中的宪法条约解析

《欧盟宪法条约》经过近一年的谈判终于在布鲁塞尔政府间会议上获得通过。这标志着欧洲联盟宪法化揭开了新的篇章。本文从欧洲一体化演进中的宪法化进展、《欧盟宪法条约》的现实意义及欧洲联盟宪法化的最终指向三个方面,对欧盟一体化进程的发展动向进行分析,对学界的一些观点进行探讨。《欧盟宪法条约》是欧洲一体化棋局中的关键步骤,既包含了对理想的追求也反映了对现实的妥协,欧洲宪政在宪法主义和政府间主义的张力下小心翼翼地保持着平衡。     

突尼斯政治民主化中的欧洲因素探析

欧盟是突尼斯政治民主化的重要外因。欧洲国家的压力引起了突尼斯1861年宪政改革,从而开启了突尼斯的政治现代化。同样,欧洲因素使得哈比卜.布尔吉巴和"布尔吉巴主义"在突尼斯确立了统治地位,侍从主义体制延续到共和国时期。突尼斯在欧洲影响下,其民主化进程呈现独特的特点。1995年欧盟提出"欧盟—地中海伙伴关系"计划,标志着其三位一体民主促进机制的形成。这一机制在突尼斯产生了重要影响,但也存在一些不足。     

“9·11”事件后欧盟与东盟反恐合作初探

9·11事件后,欧盟与东盟两大地区集团从维护自身安全及战略利益的需要出发,依托联合国反恐委员会、亚欧会议、东盟地区论坛、欧盟-东盟部长级会议、欧共体-东盟共同合作委员会等一系列机制平台,在许多领域进行了卓有成效的区域间反恐合作,但某些潜在的制约因素也应引起欧盟和东盟双方的重视。目前,欧盟与东盟的跨区域反恐合作仍处于一种标志性、意向性、有限性的规划与实践阶段,在可以预见的未来,双方将以众多成员国之间双边或多边的功能性合作为主要突破口。     

区域安全竞争中的东亚区域主义——基于对欧洲/北美区域主义的比较分析

区域主义的启动和深化受区域内外安全环境的影响。欧洲区域主义的启动和深化与其内外安全环境之间呈正相关关系,因而它得以历经冷战而不衰,并在冷战后进一步强化。比较而言,北美区域主义的深化与其内外安全环境总体上都是负相关关系,因而北美区域主义至今基本上仍仅限于经济领域。与北美区域主义类似,东亚区域主义的深化与东亚区域内外安全环境也基本上是负相关关系,但不同的是,由于东亚区域的内部安全环境是竞争性的,因此东亚区域的"共同体感觉"虽然呈日益强化之势,但总体上说是脆弱的。东亚区域主义的深化不仅受区域内部安全竞争的挑战,还受到区域外部的竞争性安全环境———区域间大国和全球大国安全竞争———的制约。     

欧盟能源安全战略分析的三种理论视角

能源安全战略一般存在于主权国家语境,由主权国家的能源经济利益和能源安全风险决定。欧盟是一个主权国家集合体,在能源利益和能源安全风险方面,成员国之间差异较大,难以形成超国家性质的能源安全战略。但是,欧盟成员国都存在着对外油气依赖所产生的安全问题,气候变化又凸显了能源安全的多维性和整体性。为此,欧盟成员国达成了政治共识,决定采取团结一致的立场,共同应对能源安全挑战。本文尝试从经济自由主义、地缘政治、制度主义三种理论范式,对欧盟能源安全战略做出较为全面的解析。     

邦联主义与欧洲一体化

邦联主义作为与联邦主义并行对应的一种政治一体化思潮 ,对战后欧洲一体化进程一直具有深刻影响。本文首先简要回顾了邦联主义的理论先驱关于通过建立欧洲邦联实现欧洲和平的思想及其影响 ,然后重点评述了当代学者关于邦联的含义及其特征的有关论述。在此基础上 ,考察了战后邦联主义与联邦主义的欧洲联合之争 ,并就欧盟体系所体现的邦联因素及邦联主义解释上的局限性进行了分析和评价。邦联主义将继续与联邦主义共存 ,共同影响和塑造欧洲一体化进程。     

欧盟的独立防务:行动与趋向

近年来,欧盟加快了建设独立防务的步伐,通过设置军事指挥机构、提出安全战略、统一军备采购、整合军事工业等多方面努力,开始形成独立于北约以外的军事能力。欧盟追求独立防务的深层动机,源自对自身角色及全球责任的认识。欧盟推进军事一体化的目标不是为了与一个特定的国家或集团进行军事对抗,而是为了巩固自身的经济地位、实现欧洲的政治抱负和价值观提供军事力量的基础。欧盟将通过建立独立而完整的军事体系,获得对全球事务更大的影响力,成为真正意义上的世界另一个力量极。     

Interregionalism or Merely a Fourth-Level Game? An Examination of the EU-ASEAN Relationship

It is argued in this paper that the normative nature of both the conscious and unconscious attempts of the European Union as a ‘civilian power’ to export its model of regional integration elsewhere, has led to the claim that an ostensibly new form of interaction in international relations - one characterized as interregionalism - has emerged. An examination of the EU-ASEAN relationship, however, would suggest that this assertion is greatly exaggerated. Between conventional bilateral relations, between individual EU members and individual Southeast Asian nations, and forms of multilateral and asymmetrical bilateral relations between the EU as a global actor and individual ASEAN members, the space for interregionalism is indeed very limited. Rather, by building on Putnam’s seminal work enunciating his metaphor of “two-level games” (i.e. the domestic and the international) and its extension in Patterson’s and Deutsch’s discussion of ‘three level games’ (the third level being the intra-regional), it is suggested that interregionalism is merely the addition of a minor fourth level in international relations bargaining. Such a characterization has the salutary effect of drawing attention back, both to the different forms of regional integration, and to the varying capacities within regional entities. It is these elements that are worthy of further research, rather than some imagined alchemy denoted as interregionalism. The latter can best be described as a normative milieu goal, rather than being an appropriate and useful analytical category.     

地区间主义研究:成就与缺失

地区间主义是国际关系的新实践,同时也正在成为国际关系研究的新领域。国外学术界围绕地区间主义的内涵与外延、动力与功能以及其与地区主义和多边主义的关系进行了初步的研究。尽管国内学者在该领域的研究仍在相当程度上延续着西方的议程,然而也有部分学者试图在研究对象、研究方法和研究取向上做出超越。就该议题的未来发展而言,比较分析和理论化应当是两大基本趋势。而对中国学者来说,面临的最大挑战在于把握地区间主义研究的共性与个性,并善于从已有的研究议程中提炼出符合中国国家利益和国际战略需求的新的议程。     

Europeanisation and De-Europeanisation Dynamics in Turkey: The Case of Environmental Organisations

Abstract

While Europeanisation of civil society in Turkey has received considerable attention, there has been much less interest in how environmental organisations, as key civil society actors, have been affected by Europeanisation/de-Europeanisation dynamics. Interviews with civil society representatives and European Union (EU) and Turkish policy-makers indicate that the EU impact on environmental organisations has been ambivalent, and that Europeanisation dynamics are intertwined with the adverse consequences of these processes. While Turkey’s EU candidacy has empowered civil society through both EU-isation and Europeanisation, there has also been a remarkable rise of scepticism towards the EU’s civil society strategy and the EU has lost its attractiveness as a normative context in environmental debates.     

Comparing public attitudes on EU membership in candidate countries: the cases of Croatia,Macedonia and Turkey from 2004 to 2011

Past enlargements of the European Union (EU) have demonstrated that public attitudes on European integration can influence the course of accession processes. Beyond the literature on public EU support in member states and former candidates, the dynamics that shape public attitudes on EU membership within recent candidate countries have not been systematically examined. Analysing nine Eurobarometer (EB) surveys from 2004 to 2011, we argue that evaluations of EU membership in Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey are shaped by utilitarian considerations, belief in various political institutions as well as the fear of losing national identity. The economic crisis of 2008 has changed public opinion towards EU membership in all three countries, but Turkey appears to have been affected the most compared to Croatia and Macedonia.     

De-Europeanisation or Counter-Conduct? Turkey’s Democratisation and the EU

Abstract

Many Turkish and European scholars have been (re)producing texts that praise the normative impact of the European Union (EU) which has helped the political transformation of Turkey. Nevertheless, the recent deterioration of democracy in the country indicates that the EU has been losing its transformative influence on Turkey. This might be regarded as de-Europeanisation. However, this article argues that the conceptual framework of de-Europeanisation can only partially explain the current situation in Turkey and the EU’s impact, and that an analysis based on counter-conduct, as produced by EU governmentality, may provide insight into a subtler dynamic at work in the country.     

“规范性力量”遭遇“新大博弈”:欧盟在中亚推进民主的三重困境

作为“规范性力量”的欧盟,一直在中亚地区实施民主推进计划,以扩散西方自由、民主、人权、善治和法治等价值观念。为了评估欧盟在中亚地区推进规范议程的效果,本文构建了一个涵盖欧盟“自我”和中亚地区相关“他者”的分析框架。对于欧盟“自我”,本文着重考察了其规范绩效状况;对于中亚地区的相关“他者”,则着重分析了俄罗斯对欧盟形成的规范竞争,以及中亚国家对欧盟规范议程产生的规范共鸣现象。就欧盟在中亚地区推进自由民主模式产生的规范绩效、规范竞争与规范共鸣而言,其表现均不尽人意,且难以在短期内扭转。面对上述困境,欧盟意识到应着眼于中亚地区更长远的发展态势,以一种潜移默化的方式引导各国通过渐进的方式走上西方式发展道路。2019年6月,欧盟新出台的中亚战略正是反映了这一思路。     

Without Sticks or Carrots: Brazilian Leadership in South America During the Cardoso Era, 1992–2003*

Throughout the Fernando Henrique Cardoso presidency Brazil actively pursued a South American leadership project. The distinctive and central feature of this policy was its attempt to operate without the coercion or explicit payoffs often associated with ‘leading’ in mainstream international relations literature. Instead, efforts were devoted to constructing an inclusive project that sought extended and unconscious cooperation from other states through a transfer of ‘ownership’ of the continental project. An examination of three cases – the 1994 Summit of the Americas, interregionalism and South American infrastructure integration – is used to demonstrate the techniques employed by Brazil as well as to highlight the limitations implicit in the Brazilian leadership strategy.     

Hype,disillusionment and capacity problems: Turkish Cypriot media and the European Union

Since the failed 2004 Annan Plan referendum, a special relationship between the Turkish Cypriot community and the EU institutions has been established. Increased unofficial contacts have paved the way for a reinforced role of sub-state actors, including Turkish Cypriot media. The role of the Turkish Cypriot media in shaping public opinion towards the EU has been largely correlated with the course of the Cyprus negotiations. Weak institutionalisation has negatively affected the influence of the local media on advancing the sui generis relationship between the Turkish Cypriot community and the European Union, as well as Europeanisation in the northern part of Cyprus. This article applies the theoretical framework of horizontal and vertical Europeanisation to explore the impact of local media on the relations between the European Union and the Turkish Cypriot community.     

Economic,trade and development relations between South Africa and the European Union: The end of a strategic partnership? A South African perspective

ABSTRACT

The relationship between democratic South Africa and the European Union (EU) has been in existence for over 20 years, with its roots tracing back to anti-apartheid support measures. In its earlier form, it was anchored in the Reconstruction and Development Programme. Currently, it is guided by the National Development Plan of the National Planning Commission. This relationship has been tested over time, especially as a result of negotiations over the Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU. In the meantime, the euphoria that marked new South Africa's participation in the global system, with trade and development cooperation with the EU as one of the cornerstones, has waned considerably. The cancellation of several bilateral investment treaties with EU member states has further strained the relationship. While there are notable successes in the EU–South Africa Strategic Partnership, these may not be reflective of the actual strategic value of the partnership in the context of global shifts and the rising influence of emerging powers with which South Africa is integrating.