全球化时代文化身份的建构——兼谈中国的文化身份问题

文化身份作为一个"问题"受到关注是现代性在世界各地的展开以及全球化的后果.解构理论和后殖民理论分别从西方思想史和东西方文化关系史的角度质疑和颠覆了传统的固定的文化身份观,认为文化身份是依赖"他者"建构的.文化身份的建构特性也为分析中国在不同时期的文化身份建构提供了理论上的参照,在20世纪90年代以前的不同时期,中国建构的文化身份基本上属于守成型的文化身份;而90年代以来,中国文化身份的建构则以经济和社会发展的成就为依托并融合了民族传统文化,建构的文化身份则是开拓型的文化身份.     

美国推动与印度莫迪政府民用核合作的动因——以身份建构、体系文化为视角

美印民用核能合作的动因主要是身份建构与体系文化的异变。21世纪国际体系文化重新按照区域与权力整合,各新兴国家或接受整合或主动建构。美国借助核协议作为交易来巩固印度的身份定位并以体系文化约束其核行为。     

后现代主义身份政治的衰颓与新民粹主义的崛起

20世纪70、80年代,资本主义进入一个相对稳定的发展时期,大规模阶级斗争相对缓和,新自由主义乘势崛起。作为新自由主义主流运动的补充,后现代主义身份政治发展起来。后现代主义身份政治从经济决定论转向文化和意识形态决定论,从大规模集体行动的逻辑转向分散的斗争。美国金融危机以来,大规模社会运动复兴,经济议题回到政治运动的中心,后现代主义身份政治的文化和自我意识革命逐步衰颓,新民粹主义乘势崛起。在聚焦经济议题和强调集体行动方面,新民粹主义和后现代主义身份政治迥然不同,但是从强调族群的文化和身份差异的角度来说,新民粹主义又把后现代主义身份政治发展到了极端。后现代主义身份政治是与金融资本的上升期相适应的,新民粹主义是与金融资本的下降期相适应的,但二者都因不理解金融资本的本性而把民众运动引向了错误的方向。只有社会主义民主运动才能赋予民众运动以正确的方向。     

流散者的困惑——重审《日用家当》中迪伊的形象

从流散批评的视角重审《日用家当》中迪伊形象,可以看出迪伊极力趋附于白人主流文化,又盲目追寻非洲根文化,反映了她在对立与错位的黑白文化夹缝中的矛盾与迷失,凸现了美国非裔流散族的自我意识、自我认知和文化身份认证的模糊、矛盾和混乱状态,昭示着沃克对这种现状的担忧及改变对策。     

从公民文化权利的确立到文化公民身份的认同

本文以公民基本权利的分析入手，论及“文化”已成为公民权利和义务讨论的新维度，已成为等级划爱和身份认同的新维度。文章指出，公民文化权利的确立不仅应强调政府对公民依法享有的诸多文化权利的有，保障，还应诉求公民在参与文化、消费文化、创造文化和保存文化等各方面的责任和义务。由此，教育的责无宴贷、文化观念的转变、文化政策的引导成为从公民文化权利的确立到文化公民身份认同的关键环节。     

文化身份视域下的收入分配探析

收入分配是一个重大的社会问题。收入的多寡不但决定着个体的经济地位,同时在某种意义上也决定着政治、文化等地位。收入分配的公平与否直接影响着社会的公平与正义的实现。影响分配收入的因素多种多样,其中文化身份亦是一个重要因素。在知识经济时代文化以其柔性、普遍存在性与潜移默化性,越来越成为学术界研究经济发展的重点,以文化身份视域下研究收入分配,为实现社会公平正义提出了特定视域下的新思路。     

英语翻转课堂教学模式中的“身份认同”问题研究

自Jon Bergmann和Aaron Sams在美国的科罗拉多州洛基山林地公园高中利用"录屏软件"录制讲课内容、音频并通过网络让学生自行下载、观看、学习以来,"翻转课堂"已成为影响课堂教学的重大技术变革,引起了全球教育界的广泛研究和关注。但是,目前对于翻转课堂的研究主要在教学方法及教学步骤方面,缺乏相应的理论支撑及心理层面的研究。以英语翻转课堂教学模式研究中的"身份认同"问题为切入点,通过理论梳理与导入、实例分析与证成,提出英语翻转课堂教学模式的设置与实施应以身份认同理论为基础,学生与老师在认知层面的"身份翻转"才是真正意义上的"翻转课堂"。     

全球化时代美籍华裔的离散身份建构——以汤亭亭小说《女勇士》和《中国佬》的分析为例

《女勇士》和《中国佬》在文体特征和主题思想上的近似性使对这两个文本的对照阅读充满意义和富有成效。拟从司徒亚特.霍尔的文化批评理论中关于离散族裔身份建构的"差异理论"入手,分析这两个文本中所共有的身份建构主题,以期对美国早期华人移民的生存状况及文化应对策略有更多的了解,并对我们今天所面临的全球化形势下新的文化认同问题提供一些借鉴。     

我们的“自我”迷失在哪里

从"自我意识"的概述出发,以社会标签理论、符号互动理论及社会比较理论等作为理论支持,解析在经济发展尤为迅速又面临转型期的现代社会大部分青年陷入自我身份迷失的原因,以及在强势文化与弱势文化的角逐中青年又该如何进行社会身份认同到自我身份认同的转变。     

身份盗用的发展及其治理和研究趋势

身份盗用是指为了取得金钱、物品、服务等利益或者逃避义务和责任,盗窃他人身份证明信息以非法冒用他人身份的行为.根据西方发达国家的统计,身份盗用是近几年来发展最迅猛的犯罪活动,给个人、企业和社会都带来了巨大危害.中国作为一个经济迅猛发展、网民最多并渴望发展电子商务的国家,也日益面临着身份盗用的严重威胁.但我们对这一问题的认识还远远不够全面和深入.目的是要系统、全面的介绍身份盗用问题的内涵、发展,各国对身份盗用的治理实践以及学术界对这一问题的研究现状,以期为研究、预防和解决中国的身份盗用问题提供一定基础.为此,回顾了有关身份识别的理论;讨论了身份盗用的危害和影响范围、身份盗用的类型和过程;分析了身份盗用蔓延的原因以及身份盗用和身份欺诈的关系;并从政府治理、企业管理和消费者个人防护三个层面介绍了各国应对身份盗用的实践活动.最后讨论了对身份盗用问题的理论研究趋势和前景.作者希望引起学术同行们对身份盗用问题的重视,为深入研究中国的身份盗用问题起到抛砖引玉的作用.     

International Peacebuilding and the Politics of Identity: Lessons from Social Psychology using the Bosnian Case

This article argues that international peacebuilding efforts must be understood as identity-building projects and applies what we know from social psychology about identity processes to post-conflict peacebuilding. It argues that international peacebuilders must pay careful attention to the relationship between the multiple sources of identity from which individuals draw their self-concepts, such as their ethno-national belonging and their citizenship. Using qualitative evidence from field research on international interventions in post-conflict education reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the decade following Dayton, the article contends that the international community's efforts on the ground entrenched ethno-national group boundaries while simultaneously challenging the distinctiveness of these ethno-national identities. As a result, rather than being sites of peacebuilding, the schools of Bosnia-Herzegovina became sites of heightened tensions and controversy.     

宗教认同与民族认同的互动——以延边朝鲜族基督信仰为例

宗教认同与民族认同均是表示一种与自身文化相契合的亲近感,前者的主体主要是宗教信徒,后者主体则是民族成员,二者分别对宗教信仰与民族文化保持不同程度的亲近。在朝鲜族社会发展历程中,基督教从传入至今已经一个多世纪,对朝鲜族传统文化与风俗习惯等各个方面进行了不同程度的渗透、交融与改变。将存在于朝鲜族社会的宗教认同和民族认同与延边朝鲜族基督信仰状况相结合进行互动分析,有利于深化宗教认同与民族认同的相关研究。     

‘Women of substance’: Commodification and fetishization in contemporary advertising within the Indian ‘Urbanscape'

Advertising today has become an intrinsic part of modern culture. Apart from the obvious and tangible extolment of the virtues of a product and/or brand, more insiduously and less tangibly, advertising plays a key role in the functioning of social attitudes and values. This paper examines how advertising discourses in India, in particular the hugely successful and representative Woman of Substance’ ad campaign in the magazine Femina, transforms the manifold attitudes and qualities of the woman into commodities to be marketed; and how the ad campaign positions the woman within the nexus of her social interactions. The paper traces the economic and socio‐cultural changes that have characterised India's transition towards an open market economy to situate the role that advertising discourse plays in urban India today in the representation of the ‘Woman of Substance’. These changes have occurred in a relatively short space of time and have interacted profoundly with advertising discourse. This can best be seen in the fact that an urbanising trend in India has diversified the range of approved cultural models available to women in the search for what has come to be fashionably referred to in recent times as ‘lifestyles‘— exemplified both in the ‘Woman of Substance’ ad campaign, and the magazine itself, Femina.     

日本人的国家同一性和对人种、民族的刻板印象探索性的讨论

通过对日本大学生的数据分析,探讨了日本人的国家同一性和对人种、民族的刻板印象的关系。结果表明,对民族的刻板印象和内群体偏爱效应显著。此外,国家同一性和对国民印象的交互作用明显。表明国家同一性强的人,对自己国民的肯定性评价显著高于国家同一性弱的人。需进一步探讨国家同一性概念的定义和测量刻板印象的妥当性。     

Parties,the state and society in Greece: Continuity within change

The new Greek party system which emerged after the restoration of democracy in 1974 is characterised by a combination of features indicative of both continuity and change in comparison with the party system that existed before the military coup of 1967. This article concludes that in the present phase the contribution of parties to institutional consolidation and the stability of party identification, though not negligible, remains uncertain. It is likely to be influenced by variables both internal and external to the political system, relating to party interaction and to the relationship of parties with state and society.     

Reading the Ongoing Changes: European Identity

Europeans constituted their post‐Second World War political identities in terms shaped by the Cold War but matters took an unexpected turn when the events of 1989/91 required acknowledgement of the hitherto largely unremarked existence of the project of the European Union. The question of the identity of Europe/Europeans moved into mainstream debate: how can the variety of 'national pasts' be reconciled, how might ideas of Europe/Europeans fit within the range of identities affirmed by Europeans, and can the project present a clear image within the international community? The European Union is the only game in town for Europeans but it is also deficient; reform is made more difficult by the struggle to define the post bloc world: reform for what becomes the issue ‐ upgraded US ally, loose free trade area or federal polity? These are awkward questions but the continent is recovering from the catastrophe of its twentieth century and one can feel optimistic for the future.     

Constitutional patriotism,migration and the post-national dilemma

This article addresses the challenges of justifying restrictions on migration given a rejection of nationalism as a defensible mode of political integration. Specifically, it focuses on constitutional patriotism, which is proposed as a means of making robust democratic practice possible in diverse contexts. Given that constitutional patriotism represents a commitment to universal principles as a source of attachment rather than the binding sentiment of nationalism, can we continue to rely on nationally defined and controlled migration practices? This article argues that, appropriately understood, constitutional patriotism implies a commitment to much freer movement of individuals across political boundaries than theorists have previously acknowledged. Applying such an approach, however, provokes some challenges to the sustainability of shared rule informed by principles rather than identity. This seeming paradox may mean that constitutional patriotism is more difficult to implement, and highlights practical challenges surrounding the liberalisation of border controls that are pertinent to theorists concerned with post-national citizenship more broadly conceived.     

A New Progressive Patriotism

The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose.     

A Common Future and a Common Identity： The Transformation Process of Political and Social Identities in the South Caucasus Countries

In reflecting on the case of the South Caucasus （Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia）, one of the most popular perspectives is its lack of a common identity. The main argument is that it is a culturally diverse region with old-fashioned, ethnically exclusive nationalism. From this point of view, the process of the formation of a European identity in the region acquires particular importance. A European identity could act as a catalyst for bringing the region together. This identity could be considered as based on much more than just political orientation but fundamentally grounded in common values. This comprehensive integration in the South Caucasus can be achieved through the formulation and acceptance of a common political identity based on the political orientations of the South Caucasian States and their citizens. The main question that this study tries to answer is how people in the South Caucasian countries identify themselves in terms of a European identity. A suitable analysis is increasingly important at both the micro and the macro levels. The author examines the people＇s attitudes in the three South Caucasian states toward Western culture, states, and organizations, drawing on opinion polls conducted by the Caucasus Research Resources Center （CRRC）. The author seeks to analyze attitudes toward the West in the South Caucasus on a macro as well as on a micro level. The author seeks also to provide a much-needed analysis for decision making, based on empirical data that help understand public opinion toward the European Union （EU） in the countries of the South Caucasus, and that can contribute to the refinement of integration strategies.     

Secular spaces and religious representations: reading the headscarf debate in Turkey as citizenship politics

Although in recent years there has been a relaxing attitude in Turkey towards wearing headscarf in the public sphere, the controversy surrounding the visibility and use of the headscarf has often been read through modernity/tradition dichotomy which sees the use of headscarf by women as a threat to modernity by religious subjectivities. The principal reason for this reading is that the citizenship regime in Turkey has not been simply about defining a framework of membership to a political community but rather has been used to construct modern subjectivity. This article attempts to dislocate the headscarf controversy from this dichotomous reading by moving it into the larger framework of citizenship politics. It argues that instead of interpreting the growing visibility of the headscarf within the public sphere that pits modernity against tradition, we need instead to identify the wearing of the headscarf as a specific ‘act of citizenship’ that challenges dominant citizenship practices.