心理人类学视角下中国俄罗斯族认同研究

本文以300名中国俄罗斯族为样本容量运用问卷法对中国俄罗斯族的语言、身份、宗教、习俗等进行调查分析,同时运用田野调查法走访了中国俄罗斯族聚居的七个地区进行实地考察,继而得出中国俄罗斯族的民族认同以及国家认同受到时间、空间、地域、文化、政策等诸多因素的影响。     

藏族大学生国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状调查与分析

我国是一个多民族国家,各民族的国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状对民族团结和国家稳定意义重大,本调查以藏族大学生为样本,运用调查问卷结合个别访谈方法,对藏族大学生国家认同、民族认同及文化认同现状进行调查,分析原因,探索提高藏族大学生国家认同和主流文化认同对策。     

维系香港文化认同面临的主要问题

香港特区对中华文化认同的维系问题可以从民族认同、国家认同和身份认同三个维度进行分析。香港与内地同处大中华文化圈,本不存在文化认同问题,民族认同基础较好;但是,香港因百年殖民统治和国际自由港地位而身处经济全球化前沿,受西方资本主义思想影响较深,这造成港人对内地政治经济体制存在隔膜,进而影响了他们对中华人民共和国的认同及对"中国人"身份的认同,这不利于文化认同的维系。     

当代大学生对儒家文化认同现状及对策分析

儒家文化是中华民族传统文化的精华,是中华民族智慧的结晶与宝贵的精神财富。而当代大学生是儒家文化重要的继承者、传播者和创造者,他们对儒家文化是否认同在很大程度上将会影响到民族传统文化的继承与创新,也深切地影响着民族认同。以哈尔滨工程大学学生为例,考察当代大学生对儒家文化认同的现状,并针对这一现状审慎地提出了可行性的对策,以期能够为儒家文化的继承与创新,为增进当代大学生的民族文化认同提供某种积极有益的思考。     

民族文化认同教育的思维向度

当前,我国民族文化认同教育思维向度呈现出"便利性""有限性""简缩性"等偏误,民族文化在一定程度上被异化为一种手段或商品,造成其远离了社会成员生命生活之果。为促使社会成员民族文化认同自觉之形成,民族文化认同教育需要确立以人为本在时间上统一"传统、未来、现实"和空间上兼顾"文化个性、时代精神、生活品质"的"三位一体"思维路向,并通过构建"化民成俗"的民族文化认同教育结构体系、培育"心灵反思"的民族文化认同教育依托载体、凸显"乡镇基层"的民族文化认同教育引导力量来加以贯彻落实。     

试论新疆少数民族文化认同的特点

文化认同是社会稳定的核心,了解新疆少数民族文化认同的特点,对积极开展"四个认同"教育具有一定的现实意义。论文以新疆各民族的文化认同为研究对象,总结概括了新疆少数民族文化认同的几个突出特点。     

文化认同与儿童成为人

文化认同的基础是文化的识别，文化认同的核心是对所属民族文化的认同，同时也是对世界多元文化的认同，文化认同是儿童成为文化人的过程。文化认同是儿童形成“自我”的过程，也即是儿童社会化的过程，但儿童对文化的认同具有能动性，文化认同是儿童成为社会人的过程。     

全球化背景下民族文化认同的重塑——基于构建和谐社会过程中的文化认同

伴随着全球化的到来,民族文化认同问题也随之而来,民族传统文化和西方外来文化的交流日益广泛,不同价值观之间的碰撞引起人们对自身民族文化的反思,在我国建设社会主义和谐社会的大环境下,重建民族文化认同对国家稳定和增强民族凝聚力有重要意义。     

在文化自觉自信中提升文化认同

文化认同是人们在一个民族共同体中长期共同生活所形成的对本民族最有意义的事物的肯定性体认,文化认同是民族认同、国家认同的重要基础。我们国人的文化认同比较明显的分为两个方面,一个是对历史文化的认同,一个是对现实文化体系的认同。对现实主流文化的认同是文化认同的主要内容。提升文化认同,必须增强文化自觉和文化自信。     

现代教育环境下农村青年的文化认同与身份认同对社会主义核心价值观的影响

青年对于社会主义核心价值观的认同与其在现代教育环境下的文化认同与身份认同密切相关.本文旨在分析农村青年的文化认同与身份认同对社会主义核心价值观培育的影响,现代教育环境下农村青年受到不同程度的多元因素的影响,造成文化认同与身份认同的差异性,这对社会主义核心价值观产生了积极或消极的影响.     

日本人的国家同一性和对人种、民族的刻板印象探索性的讨论

通过对日本大学生的数据分析,探讨了日本人的国家同一性和对人种、民族的刻板印象的关系。结果表明,对民族的刻板印象和内群体偏爱效应显著。此外,国家同一性和对国民印象的交互作用明显。表明国家同一性强的人,对自己国民的肯定性评价显著高于国家同一性弱的人。需进一步探讨国家同一性概念的定义和测量刻板印象的妥当性。     

‘Women of substance’: Commodification and fetishization in contemporary advertising within the Indian ‘Urbanscape'

Advertising today has become an intrinsic part of modern culture. Apart from the obvious and tangible extolment of the virtues of a product and/or brand, more insiduously and less tangibly, advertising plays a key role in the functioning of social attitudes and values. This paper examines how advertising discourses in India, in particular the hugely successful and representative Woman of Substance’ ad campaign in the magazine Femina, transforms the manifold attitudes and qualities of the woman into commodities to be marketed; and how the ad campaign positions the woman within the nexus of her social interactions. The paper traces the economic and socio‐cultural changes that have characterised India's transition towards an open market economy to situate the role that advertising discourse plays in urban India today in the representation of the ‘Woman of Substance’. These changes have occurred in a relatively short space of time and have interacted profoundly with advertising discourse. This can best be seen in the fact that an urbanising trend in India has diversified the range of approved cultural models available to women in the search for what has come to be fashionably referred to in recent times as ‘lifestyles‘— exemplified both in the ‘Woman of Substance’ ad campaign, and the magazine itself, Femina.     

A New Progressive Patriotism

The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose.     

International Peacebuilding and the Politics of Identity: Lessons from Social Psychology using the Bosnian Case

This article argues that international peacebuilding efforts must be understood as identity-building projects and applies what we know from social psychology about identity processes to post-conflict peacebuilding. It argues that international peacebuilders must pay careful attention to the relationship between the multiple sources of identity from which individuals draw their self-concepts, such as their ethno-national belonging and their citizenship. Using qualitative evidence from field research on international interventions in post-conflict education reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the decade following Dayton, the article contends that the international community's efforts on the ground entrenched ethno-national group boundaries while simultaneously challenging the distinctiveness of these ethno-national identities. As a result, rather than being sites of peacebuilding, the schools of Bosnia-Herzegovina became sites of heightened tensions and controversy.     

A Common Future and a Common Identity： The Transformation Process of Political and Social Identities in the South Caucasus Countries

In reflecting on the case of the South Caucasus （Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia）, one of the most popular perspectives is its lack of a common identity. The main argument is that it is a culturally diverse region with old-fashioned, ethnically exclusive nationalism. From this point of view, the process of the formation of a European identity in the region acquires particular importance. A European identity could act as a catalyst for bringing the region together. This identity could be considered as based on much more than just political orientation but fundamentally grounded in common values. This comprehensive integration in the South Caucasus can be achieved through the formulation and acceptance of a common political identity based on the political orientations of the South Caucasian States and their citizens. The main question that this study tries to answer is how people in the South Caucasian countries identify themselves in terms of a European identity. A suitable analysis is increasingly important at both the micro and the macro levels. The author examines the people＇s attitudes in the three South Caucasian states toward Western culture, states, and organizations, drawing on opinion polls conducted by the Caucasus Research Resources Center （CRRC）. The author seeks to analyze attitudes toward the West in the South Caucasus on a macro as well as on a micro level. The author seeks also to provide a much-needed analysis for decision making, based on empirical data that help understand public opinion toward the European Union （EU） in the countries of the South Caucasus, and that can contribute to the refinement of integration strategies.     

论美国殖民时期烟草大种植园主的绅士身份——以弗吉尼亚为例

本文尝试结合美国研究和文化研究的方法，利用大量事件和书信廓清美国殖民时期弗吉尼亚烟草大种植园主的绅士身份之缘起、构建的大概过程与要素以及自身经历的和所受的挑战。同时，烟草种植文化与绅士身份问千丝万缕的关系得以多角度的梳理，殖民地社会文化的冰山一角也得以再现。     

Community Involvement as a Vehicle for Integration: A Study with Young Immigrants

ABSTRACT

Immigrants are often exposed to conditions of economic deprivation or to hardships of a social nature connected to their status. These factors increase their feeling of impotence, thus slowing down the integrative process. An element that could counter these disadvantaged conditions is participation in an association that promotes immigrants’ demands on a socio-political level. The first aim of this study is understanding the relationships between involvement and integration. The authors hypothesize that youth engaged in community are more integrated than not engaged immigrant youth. The second aim is to investigate the relationship between the type of activity, type of association and integration. The participants were 644 immigrant youth (Age range 19–35, 56.2%) that were involved in the community. The results show that involved immigrant youth report higher levels of both ethnic and national identity compared to not involved youth. Regarding the type of activity carried out, there is a statistically significant difference between activity of a social type, which obtains higher means, and of a civic type, which rather obtains lower means. While exploratory, the study shows and confirms the relationship between community engagement, young immigrants’ integration process and construction of identity.     

The politics of other citizens

In all kinds of political action, citizens are confronted with the performances of other citizens. An important guide to political behaviour is therefore likely to be the assumptions people make concerning how others can be expected to behave. This article explores common sense ideas about other citizens as potential political participants, drawing on a series of group interviews conducted with taxi-drivers in Britain, Germany and the Czech Republic. I argue the expectations voiced of other citizens tend to be pessimistic in nature, casting them as ill-informed, apathetic, passive and unduly self-interested, notwithstanding the appearance of a more optimistic view which holds they can be expected to follow the lead of those who ‘take a stand’. These empirical observations lead to a discussion of the theoretical issues they raise, notably where to locate the origins of such views, and how to appraise their implications for democracy.     

Parties,the state and society in Greece: Continuity within change

The new Greek party system which emerged after the restoration of democracy in 1974 is characterised by a combination of features indicative of both continuity and change in comparison with the party system that existed before the military coup of 1967. This article concludes that in the present phase the contribution of parties to institutional consolidation and the stability of party identification, though not negligible, remains uncertain. It is likely to be influenced by variables both internal and external to the political system, relating to party interaction and to the relationship of parties with state and society.     

Japan and identity change: why it matters in International Relations

Abstract

Two approaches to identity have been employed to explore issues in Japan's international relations. One views identity as constituted by domestic norms and culture, and as constitutive of interests, which in turn cause behaviour. Proponents view Japan's ‘pacifist’ and ‘antimilitarist’ identity as inherently stable and likely to change only as a result of material factors. In the other approach, ‘Japan’ emerges and changes through processes of differentiation vis-à-vis ‘Others’. Neither ‘domestic’ nor ‘material’ factors can exist outside of such identity constructions. We argue that the second, relational, approach is more theoretically sound, but begs three questions. First, how can different identity constructions in relation to numerous Others be synthesised and understood comprehensively? Second, how can continuity and change be handled in the same relational framework? Third, what is the point of analysing identity in relational terms? This article addresses the first two questions by introducing an analytical framework consisting of three mutually interacting layers of identity construction. Based on the articles in this special issue, we argue that identity entrepreneurs and emotions are particularly likely to contribute to change within this model. We address the third question by stressing common ground with the first approach: identity enables and constrains behaviour. In the case of Japan, changes in identity construction highlighted by the articles in this special issue forebode a political agenda centred on strengthening Japan militarily.