海峡经济区的功能定位及发展模式

21世纪以来，经济全球化和区域经济一体化迅速发覆，以各种形式参与各个层次的区域合作，已经成为世界各国、各个地区经济发展的必然趋势。改革开放30年，我国沿海地区区域经济一体化特征日益明显，目前已经形成了在全国乃至亚太都具有较大影响的环渤海、“长三角”和“珠三角”三大经济区。位于“长三角”和“珠三角”之间的台湾、福建、浙江南部地区、广东东部地区以及腹地江西中东部地区，其人口和“长三角”相当，经济总量超过“长三角”，有条件形成一个经济区，成为我国东南沿海经济新的增长极。顺应国际经济潮流，加快两岸区域经济合作，促进海峡两岸经济一体化，构建海峡经济区，是两岸经济区域分工走向不断深化并取得最优资源配置和相对竞争优势的最佳出路，也是台湾经济避免被“边缘化”和产业“空洞化”的理性选择。本文着重研究了海峡经济区的基本内涵、功能定位，并探讨了海峡经济区的发展模式以及发展所要经历的几个阶段，这对于海峡经济区的建设具有积极的意义。     

区域竞争力评析——以淮海经济区为例

经济全球化下，区域的竞争趋于白热化。本文基于灰色系统理论的关联度分析方法，以淮海经济区为例，构建经济区城市竞争力的指标体系，对淮海经济区20个市经济综合实力、科教文卫、经济开放度、城市基础设施、政府管理五个方面进行比较分析，得出20市总的竞争力排序，在对排序结果进行分析基础上提出应对措施。     

区域经济合作中的公共政策缺失与对策

我国国内层面的区域经济合作的迅速发展，要求我国的区域公共政策适时调整。我国区域公共政策在政策目标、政策内容、政策机构、政策工具、政策协调和监控等方面存在着局限或缺失。我国应实施区域公共政策的转型和创新，从完善政策制度基础、调整政策目标导向、重构政策内容体系、组建区域政策管理机构、构建区域利益协调机制等方面重塑区域公共政策。     

厦泉漳城市联盟发展的意义及取向探析

深化闽台经济合作、充分发挥对台优势是海峡西岸经济区建设的重要依托,其关键是实施城市联盟发展战略,打造海峡西岸“区域经济集群”发展优势。厦泉漳城市联盟有利于提升海峡西岸经济区的综合竞争力,从而增强海峡西岸经济区承接海峡东岸经济辐射、“承‘珠’接‘长’、连接中部”、对抗区域经济边缘化的能力,因而,应大力加以推动。本文仅就厦泉漳城市联盟对于海峡西岸经济区建设的意义和发展取向加以探讨。     

论湖南经济增长极——长株潭城市群的构建

长株潭城市群作为国家“十五”计划重点发展的城市密集区和“中部崛起”重点扶持的城市群，在区位条件、交通通讯、经济状况、科教状况等方面都具备成为湖南经济增长极的现实基础。加强长株潭城市群建设，促进产业分工，加快产业升级；建立真正权威、高效协调机构进行统一规划；加快基础设施和技术创新体系；加速农村城市化建设进程，将成为构建湖南经济增长极的有效途径。     

千帆竞发北部湾 沿海发展新一极——广西北部湾经济区国家发展战略决策形成和实施五年的成就及启示

北部湾经济区从无到有,从蓝图变为现实,从区域发展部署上升到国家发展战略,实现了从"风生水起"到"千帆竞发"的历史性跨越。如今的北部湾经济区基础设施日益完善、现代产业体系快速崛起、大开放格局已经形成,已成为广西科学发展的排头兵、率先发展的先行区、改革开放的试验区,正成为带动西部大开发的新基地和重要国际区域经济合作区以及我国沿海重要经济增长区域     

区域协调条件下广东山区经济发展路径选择

广东山区经济发展与珠三角发达地区比较存在着明显差距。当前，在区域协调备件下，必须创新思路，采取树立区域协调发展新理念、整合整体区域优势、构建山区特色的现代产业体系、改善和优化山区发展环境、形成区域经济合作互动发展新机制等举措，加快推进广东山区经济发展。     

千帆竟发北部湾 沿海发晨新一极——广西北部湾经济区国家发展战略决策形成和实施五年的成就及启示

北部湾经济区从无到有，从蓝图变为现实，从区域发展部署上升到国家发展战略，实现了从“风生水起”到“千帆竞发”的历史性跨越。如今的北部湾经济区基础设施日益完善、现代产业体系快速崛起、大开放格局已经形成，已成为广西科学发展的排头兵、率先发展的先行区、改革开放的试验区，正成为带动西部大开发的新基地和重要国际区域经济合作区以及我国沿海重要经济增长区域     

蓝黄战略交融,推进“蓝、黄”区域经济一体化的对策研究

山东半岛蓝色经济区发展规划和黄河三角洲高效生态经济区发展规划都突出了科学发展这一主题,突出了高效生态经济取向;"蓝黄"两区存在着高度重合。在此背景下,如果实现两大经济区的对接、融合,科学规划,一体发展,将会加快两区经济高效健康发展。为了实现区域一体化的构建,该文提出如下具体对策和建议:加快发展绿色能源产业;发展生态观光旅游业,构建蓝黄大旅游圈;优化区域内高校学科设置,加快产学研科技创新体系建设;加强合作,发展疏运交通体系和现代物流体系;设立区域合作发展协调委员会,及时解决一体化发展中的突出问题。     

风生水起 区域经济

政策暖风显春色，区域经济露峥嵘。继去年国家出台了十大产业振兴规划后，作为调整经济结构和促进产业转型升级的重要一环，国家近期陆续出台了12项区域经济振兴规划。区域经济区发展以前所未有的密集度，跃升至国家战略层面。而随着相关规划的实施，区域经济也有望成为新的经济增长点。     

发展闽台现代农业物流，促进台湾海峡经济区的形成

现代物流是优化区域间资源配置和经济合作的重要桥梁及纽带,比其他产业更能消弥 两岸之间的时空距离,对于海峡经济区的形成和发展至关重要。连宋大陆行之后,两岸农产品贸易 出现持续热络态势,发展闽台现代农业物流,不仅是促进福建农业产业化、提高农业生产效率的需 要;而且是纾解台湾农产品产销矛盾,拓展台湾农业发展空间以及推动台湾海峡经济区的形成和发 展的重要举措。发展闽台现代农业物流,可以通过建立不同类型的农产品物流生产基地,加快农业 物流园区建设,发展多层次、多形式的农产品物流市场,加大物流基础设施建设力度以及实施相应 的优惠政策予以推动。     

美国因素在两岸关系和平发展进程中的影响

美国对两岸和谈的政策立场,是出于维系台海“不统、不独、不战”局面的战略考虑,以保证自己在台海地区的最大战略利益。美国既不希望两岸举行统一谈判又希望两岸达成和平协议的复杂心态,表现在一方面希望两岸进行谈判,降低敌对状态,另一方面又长期对台提供军售,使其增加与大陆相抗衡的资本。此一“双轨政策”对两岸和平关系的构建,有着不同方向的影响,往往起了互相抵消的作用。由于中国政府对台湾当局谋求“法理台独”的强烈反应以及台海紧张局势的升高,美国政府在20世纪90年代后期开始对两岸政治谈判采取较为积极的态度,反对台湾单方面改变现状。美国的上述战略考虑,在反对台湾“独立”、维系两岸和平这一点上,与中国政府的立场有相通之处,客观上为构建两岸关系和平发展框架提供了较好的外部条件。     

Southeast Asia and cross‐strait relations: The policy of separation of politics and economics

During the periods of July‐August 1995 and mid‐March 1996, China initiated a series of missile tests and military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, and the mainland for many was considered responsible for the rising tensions across the Taiwan Strait. But, Southeast Asian countries held Taiwan responsible for stimulating the mainland's military actions because of the island's claim for independence. Why? There are three different theoretical arguments on this issue, i.e. those of political primacy, economic determinism, and the separation of politics and economics. This paper contends that the principle of separation of politics and economics is the policy that Southeast Asian countries pursue in developing their relations with the PRC and the ROC, i.e. maintaining official and full‐scale relations with the PRC, but keeping unofficial and economic links with Taiwan. Therefore, for Southeast Asian countries, the PRC's military exercises in the Taiwan Strait were a political and not an economic problem, and one between the mainland and Taiwan. This is the key factor in explaining attitudes in Southeast Asian nations toward the Taiwan Strait crisis.     

海峡西岸经济区区域三螺旋合作深化发展路径探讨

区域正日益转变为由政府、科研院所和企业组成的三螺旋创新空间。本文首先对区域三螺旋创新空间的形成及运行特点进行了理论探讨;在此基础上,针对海峡西岸经济区正日益成为实现两岸要素资源优化整合的先行先试区域,对海峡西岸经济区区域三螺旋合作的现状和存在的问题进行了分析;最后,对推动海峡西岸经济区依托对台合作深化区域三螺旋合作提出了一些政策建议。     

开展厦漳泉环保同城化研究 提升海西环境竞争力

“海峡西岸”发展战略已从区域战略上升为全国战略,厦漳泉则是海西建设的重要力量,在转变经济发展方式过程中,开展厦漳泉环保同城化研究,对推进科学可持续发展有十分重要意义。该文从推进厦漳泉环保同城化重大意义及基础条件入手,学习借鉴其他城市环保同城化成功经验,提出推进厦漳泉环保同城化的对策建议：树立科学的指导思想及原则;突出重点合作领域;建立健全保障机制。使厦漳泉建立起一整套相互合作义互相制衡的体制机制,使区域内各城市在安排生产力布局、调整产业结构时,既充分考虑本地的环境承载能力,更考虑区域的环境承载能力,避免以邻为壑。共同推进区域经济社会与环保协调发展,使海峡西岸经济区到2012年生念环境继续改善,到2020年生态文明建设位居全国前列。     

Ambiguity,Economic Interdependence,and the US Strategic Dilemma in the Taiwan Strait

As tensions across the Taiwan Strait have risen in recent years, some have argued that the US policy of strategic ambiguity—under which Washington leaves unclear if and how it would intervene in a cross-Strait conflict—has outlived its usefulness because ambiguity may foster dangerous misperceptions about US intentions and hence contribute to future crises. In this essay I critically examine strategic ambiguity, and conclude that ambiguity remains the best policy available to Washington given current US goals in the Taiwan Strait. I argue that ambiguity remains essential both to deterring a Chinese attack and to restraining Taiwanese moves toward independence, but that it nonetheless carries with it inherent risks of conflict. I further argue, however, that these additional risks triggered by ambiguity per se are likely small, and hence are overshadowed by the strategic obstacles faced by the alternatives to an ambiguous policy. Moreover, I show that growing economic interdependence between Mainland China and Taiwan further reduces the risk that ambiguity itself would be a contributing factor to war in the Taiwan Strait. As such, the relative attractiveness of ambiguity has likely increased, rather than decreased as argued by its critics, over the past decade.     

Economic interdependence and political divergence: The emerging pattern of relations across the Taiwan Strait

Economic interactions between Taiwan and mainland China have grown at an astounding speed since the Taipei government began to relax restrictions on indirect trade with the mainland in the late 1980s. A growing flood of cross‐border investment and trade has created an economic interdependence. However, intensified economic exchanges have not spilled over into political recognition of the legitimacy to each other or even ameliorated hostility across the Taiwan Strait. Growing economic interdependence has been a function of political power and political choice. This paper examines the emerging pattern of the relations across the Taiwan Strait and attributes the discrepancy between economic and political relations to significant disparities across the Taiwan Strait, which has worked as both integrative and disintegrative forces.     

The politics of greater China's integration into the global Info Tech (IT) supply chain

The most notable feature of the public ‘dialogue of the deaf’ taking place across the Strait separating Taiwan and China is its zero‐sum logic. This logic of one‐upmanship in political and security matters dictates that whatever benefits Taipei is detrimental to Beijing and vice versa. Commercial interaction between Taiwan and China, particularly in the broadly defined sector of information technology (IT), is arguably the more powerful driver of cross‐Strait interaction today. Two characteristics of this accelerating dynamic of commercial interaction across the Taiwan Strait are paramount: (1) its tight integration into a global IT supply chain; and (2) the extent of symbiosis by which all participants in this global supply chain depend on the worldwide vitality of this economic ecosystem. In interpreting what cross‐Strait economic integration in IT portends, political logic may be leading Taipei and Beijing along opposite paths to the same end‐point: the presumption that economic integration is undermining, and destabilizing, the cross‐Strait economic and political status quo. As a dominant player in global IT, the US has its own stake in a clear understanding of this globalization dynamic and in astutely maintaining its interests as the global IT supply chain continues to extend across the political fault‐line of the Taiwan Strait. Non‐partisan analysis of the logic of globalization suggests a different outcome for the cross‐Strait commercial dynamic than either Taipei or Beijing has publicly credited: its potential to mutually enhance economic prosperity and contribute long‐term to stabilizing cross‐Strait political interaction.     

两岸关系和平发展的社会机制探析

基于两岸关系的政治与社会互动逻辑,两岸关系和平发展存在着权力制衡、权利规范和社会支撑等多种构建机制,而社会机制是构建两岸关系和平发展的重要路径之一和基础组成部分.社会机制的内容分析涵盖社会动力、激励、整合、协调及保障等几个方面.两岸关系和平发展的社会机制为当前两岸关系提供了诸多启示:应确立两岸关系的多元主体多维定位,深化两岸交流沟通范围和层次,注意各项社会运行机制的深化与协调,注重社会资本的积累.