评析2005式9毫米警用转轮手枪

国内治安形势的现状决定了公安民警对低杀伤、非致命武器的装备需求。目前，国内外应用于手持自动武器上所使用的低能量弹药连续发射技术并不成熟，而转轮手枪具有对击发、供弹等机构动作与弹药能量无关的结构特点，使转轮手枪成为了现阶段警用装备的方案首选。     

9mm警用转轮手枪的使用与维护

9mm警用转轮手枪结构简单,机构动作可靠,使用方便。但在使用时可能还会遇到如两种不同枪弹的瞄准点,分解结合时的要领等问题。9mm警用转轮手枪已在部分地区公安队伍中试用,这里简单介绍该武器在使用中的一些使用与维护要点,也许在使用过程中有所帮助。一、使用方法装弹将手枪的推柄向前推动,向左侧推出转轮,枪口向下后装入6发枪弹。将装入枪弹的转轮回转到位后即可击发。根据观察:少部分人在使用转轮手枪时可能受到电视或电影中的情节影响,在开闭转轮时采用甩动转轮的方式。甩动转轮装弹时容易造成以下现象:(1)转轮回转不到位从而不能顺利击…     

快速出枪教学初探

在查缉技术中，枪战战术是比较重要的。从公安一线反馈的信息看，公安千警的枪战水平达不到实战的要求，尤其是被动情况下的枪战，加上现场气氛紧张，往往会出现有枪拔不出、有目标击不中的现象。近几年，公安院校相继开设了查缉技术课程，并把快速出枪作为战术基础动作的重点进行训练。笔者在几年的教学实践中对快速出枪的动作要领、训练方法、考核标准进行了探讨。     

略谈体育考生的训练解惑

对高三体育考生的训练实践表明,及时地在训练过程中应用有关物理知识,解除体育考生的错误动作和错误动作概念,是提高训练效果的一条宝贵经验。     

始于吉尔布雷斯的动作分析研究

动作研究又称动素分析（Analysis of Therbligs）、“方法研究”或“工作方法设计”，其主要内容是通过各种分析手段发现、寻求最经济有效的工作方法。动作研究是研究和制定正确合理的动作，节约工时，提高工效，改善工时利用的有效方法，目的是以最少体力消耗来取得最大成果，也就是在实际工作中尽量增加有价值的动作，缩短或取消徒劳的动作，提高劳动生产率。     

战术教学中应重视和加强战术基础动作的训练

战术基础动作是查缉战术的重要组成部分,是构成人民警察战术素质的重要内容、实践证明：只有正确掌握并熟练、灵活地运用战术基础动作,战斗中才能有效地打击犯罪分子,保护人民群众和警察自身的安全,减少伤亡．因此,在查缉战术教学中,应重视和加强战术基础动作的训练,提高学生的战术意识和战术水平,锻炼快速反应和应变能力,培养勇敢战斗、顽强拼搏的精神．     

对近年冠军赛女子太极拳运动员动作难度完成状况的分析

在近年来的全国武术套路冠军赛可以看出．许多女子太极拳运动员在应得分较高的情况下，由于动作难度失分，导致最后得分偏低，甚至无法进入决赛，而仅仅在动作难度上完成好的运动员却得到了很好成绩。对于这一现象，笔者了进行分析，得出女子太级拳的动作难度在完成的情况下，加强动作质量要求，减少扣分点。     

谈动作型教学片《常规控抓技术》的编辑方法

教学片的科学性与艺术性有机结合问题长期以来一直为业内人士所关注。动作型教学片《常规控抓技术》采用了多种镜头结合（长短镜头结合、快慢镜头结合、全景与特写镜头结合），多种声音配合（同期声、解说、音乐配合），多种节奏穿插（快慢交替、强弱交织）的编辑手法，在克服教学片编辑手法单一化局限方面做出了有益的尝试。     

警务实战技能形成与发展规律研究

警务实战技能属于动作技能的范畴,警务技能只有达到自动化阶段并经过实战对抗的检验才能在警察执法的实际中运用。针对目前我国警察警务实战技能的教育训练现状,应提高警察警务实战技能教育训练的科学化水平。     

俄罗斯警用转轮手枪的历史及现状

转轮手枪是机械式多弹巢的单手射击武器,其弹仓是带弹巢的转轮,弹巢同时也是药室,转轮绕轴转动,弹巢按顺序与枪管的延伸部吻合,使其能依次进行发射,转轮手枪的名称也由此而来。由于射击时转轮向左旋转,因此也称为左轮手枪。转轮手枪具有结构紧凑可靠、尺寸小、重量轻、发射时易于排除“死火”弹等优点,但其缺点也非常明显:装弹少、重新装弹时间长、弹膛容易漏气、横向尺寸大等,目前,只有部分国家的警察仍装备转轮手枪,俄罗斯就是其中的一个。一、沙俄及苏联时期转轮手枪发展历史沙俄没有研制转轮手枪,国内第一批转轮手枪是沙皇政府1870年向…     

香港警察战术训练对公安边防部队的启示

高质量的战术训练在国际警坛上享有盛誉,其先进的战术理念、实用的战术训练内容、科学的战术训练方法已被世界很多国家所学习和借鉴。公安边防部队应立足实际,学习借鉴香港警察的先进经验和成功做法,树立先进的战术理念,建立科学、实用的＂战术训练平台＂,更新战术训练方法,和谐战术训练氛围,加强战术训练设施、器材等＂硬件＂建设,努力提高战术训练质量,提升部队战斗力,从而更好的维护边境地区的安全与稳定,为边境地区经济的快速发展保驾护航。     

施叔青：香港经验和台湾叙事——兼说世界华文创作中的“施叔青现象”

施叔青是出生于台湾、入籍于美国并一度定居于香港的著名作家.在她完成"香港三部曲"之后返归台湾矢志写作"台湾三部曲".本文以施氏返台后创作的两部长篇小说<微醺彩妆>和<行过洛津>("台湾三部曲"之一)作为讨论对象,探讨施氏的香港经验对她台湾叙事的意义、影响和局限,分析此两部作品的特点和不足,并将施氏的"跨越写作"作为世界华文创作中的一种文化现象进行分析.     

Political Reform in Hong Kong: the Principal Officials Accountability System. The first year (2002–2003)

The new Principal Officials Accountability System (POAS), a proto-ministerial system, was established at the start of the Second Term of Office of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). This paper examines the setting-up of the POAS and reviews how it has functioned during its first year of life. Both the design and implementation of the POAS were characterized by undue haste. The establishing of the POAS intensified the debate on a range of matters as new ministers, senior civil servants and residents have come to terms with the detail of this novel arrangement. Discussions about political reform are set to intensify in the years to come. This article reviews the origins and deeper need for the POAS in Hong Kong before looking at the fundamentals of the new system. The nature of ‘accountability’ is then discussed prior to examining Hong Kong's experience with the POAS in action during its first year. The article also discusses the potential of the POAS to contribute to Hong Kong's overall political development.     

香港新警培训模式对“体改”生体能训练课程体系建设的启示

香港警察学院是世界一流的警察培训基地之一,其新警的招录形式、课程内容、教学模式都是国内现阶段"招录培养体制改革"学习和借鉴的榜样。本文在介绍香港警察学院新警课程中的体能训练课程体系的基础上,对比国内"体改"生的体能课程,并在"教、学、练、战"训练思想的指导下,提出建立"体改"生体能课课程体系的对策建议,以期为推动公安民警招录培养体制改革进程提供借鉴意义。     

The People's Will

The 2021 Election Committee's sub-sector ordinary elections in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) took place on September 19. These were the first elections held follow-ing the improvements to HKSAR's electoral system on March 11, when a decision to enhance this specific HKSAR system was adopted by an overwhelming majority vote at the Fourth Session of the 13th National People's Congress in Beijing. Since Hong Kong's return to the moth-erland in 1997, the collusion between anti-China forces from Western countries and "Hong Kong independence" advocates has led to repeated outbursts of violence, se-verely undermining local social stability. Moreover, several "independence" advocates entered the local authorities by exploiting loopholes in the region's electoral system. Taking advantage of their positions, they not only supported unrest in Hong Kong but also actively engaged in the planning of "Hong Kong independence," jeopardizing China's territorial sovereignty and security. In this context, the Central Government had to take swift action to improve the HKSAR electoral system and, in doing so, plug the holes.     

The Whole Picture

Why it is important to improve Hong Kong's electoral systemThe Central Government holds the power and responsibility to lead improvements in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR)'s electoral system.The improvement is meant to ensure Hong Kong's democratic system develops more smoothly in a healthy way.     

大陆香港贿赂罪立法的比较研究

香港贿赂犯罪立法体系结构具有合理性、先进性以及较强的实践操作性 ,而大陆贿赂犯罪立法表现出滞后性和欠缺性 ,应借鉴香港贿赂立法的成功经验 ,完善大陆贿赂犯罪立法 ,从而全面有效地打击日益严重形式多样的源头犯罪——贿赂犯罪 ,为我国经济的发展营造良好的法律空间。     

The Hong Kong Policy of the People's Republic of China, 1949-1997

China's policy toward Hong Kong in the period 1949-1997 was primarily driven by utilitarian calculations of national interests and the interests of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong policy of China, as an integral part of its foreign policy, was distinctive in that ideological fervor and nationalist passions had limited influence. The goals to be achieved by the Hong Kong policy remained unchanged throughout the period; the strategies adopted, however, changed in accordance with the changing international situation and the national interests as defined by the Chinese leaders. The primary goals of the Hong Kong policy were to secure a less threatening external political environment for China and to make calculated use of Hong Kong for China's economic development. By tolerating Hong Kong as a British colony, China also depended on Britain to control the potentially threatening anti-Communist Chinese population there. The 'over-dependence' on the British to control the Chinese people in Hong Kong on the eve of Hong Kong's reversion to China, however, alienated the Hong Kong people as well as impeded the formation of local political leaders in the territory. As a result, the acquisition of Hong Kong by China in 1997 has not been accompanied by political rapport between the Chinese government and the Hong Kong people, thus sowing seeds for lingering friction between them.     

香港社会中民粹主义的影响、成因及消解

香港社会中的民粹主义给香港政治社会发展带来很多消极影响,增加了特别行政区政府依法施政的难度,妨碍香港政治发展的进程,并引起香港一些居民与中央政府的对抗.香港社会中的民粹主义由民生等经济问题而引发,并因选举政治而加剧.消解民粹主义,需要香港社会权力体系和财产体系的分配应照顾各阶层的利益,必须保障草根阶层的基本权利；政府必须兼顾社会精英和普罗大众的利益,对两者的矛盾应加以调和,促成两者的妥协.     

The Role of a Political Interest Group in Democratization of China and Hong Kong: the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China

The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDM) is a cross-border political interest group advocating for democratization in both mainland China and Hong Kong. It was involved in the bold rescue of mainland democrats out of the PRC shortly after the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown; it constantly exerts pressure on the PRC government to release its political prisoners; it has been influencing the Hong Kong government on the scope and pace of democratization; it communicates with and subsidizes overseas Chinese groups supportive of democratic reforms in China; it is persistently educating the younger generations of Hong Kong and most importantly mainland visitors to Hong Kong on the 1989 Tiananmen tragedy; and its supporters have attempted to cross the border of Hong Kong to Macao to influence the policy of the Chinese government toward political prisoners. As a political interest group based in Hong Kong with cross-border influences on both the mainland and Macao, the Alliance has been making full use of the available political space and freedom of assembly in Hong Kong to achieve their ultimate objective of having a ‘democratic China’. Its existence in the HKSAR is an indication of a certain degree of political tolerance by both the Hong Kong government and Beijing, which have to be very careful of the need to maintain an image of the feasible formula of ‘one country, two systems’ in Hong Kong.