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1.
公共外交与政府外交构成中国的总体外交格局。公共外交和民间外交在党和国家历史上曾经发挥过巨大的作用,而新的世界形势和中国国情为公共外交提供了更广阔的运作空间。2009年中共中央提出的国际战略新任务为中国公共外交指明了方向。公共外交工作者的当前努力目标,应当是加紧学习外国的先进经验,提高公共外交战略谋划和战术操作能力。  相似文献   

2.
朱航 《亚非纵横》2010,(3):11-16
公共外交是一国政府通过信息传播、文化交流、大众媒体、民意调查和支持非政府组织等形式影响国外民众,扩大本国政府、公民与国外民众的对话,减少他国公众对本国的错误观念,提高本国在国外公众中的形象和国际影响力,进而增进本国国家利益的外交方式。世博会为我国开展公共外交提供了一个盛大的平台,也成为中国面向全世界的“公共外交”新舞台。  相似文献   

3.
徐进 《西亚非洲》2012,(4):43-55
进入新世纪以来,以色列的国家形象在世界范围内陷入低谷,甚至在欧、美国家亦是如此。以色列公共外交的失败是其国家形象不佳的原因之一,主要表现在公关外交、媒体外交和文化外交3种公共外交形式上。以色列公共外交失败的原因主要包括:认识不足、体制不畅、资金缺乏和措施失当等。近两三年来,以色列政府已开始重视加强公共外交,学者们也在政府机制、媒体政策两个层面上提出了相关对策建议。但需特别指出的是,以色列国家形象下降的根本原因,不能完全归咎于公共外交的失败,其在巴勒斯坦问题上的顽固立场和政策错误是核心因素。事实上,公共外交对国家形象起到了加速(或减速)器的作用。  相似文献   

4.
美国政府通过实施社会化媒体外交,进一步提高了外交效率,增强了外交透明度,获得了更多对外进行交流、实现接触、促进互动、加强影响的机会,对实现美国的公共外交战略具有积极的推动作用。但是,社会化媒体外交是一种"虚拟公共外交",还有许多不完善的方面,它并不能取代传统公共外交,只能是传统公共外交的有益补充。美国推行社会化媒体外交的一些思路、做法和措施,值得我们关注和思考。  相似文献   

5.
日本一贯重视对东盟公共外交,安倍政府再次上台后,对东盟公共外交在机制、内容等方面出现了一些新特点:通过高层公共外交强化对东盟公共外交机制,以政府开发援助和对外文化交流为基础丰富了对东盟公共外交内容,以妇女、青年和意见领袖为抓手拓展人脉网络。安倍所采取的系列公共外交举措成效明显,增强了日本在东盟的存在,也优化了其在东盟的舆论环境。面对日本东盟公共外交的迅猛发展,中国应坚持"以邻为伴、与邻为善"的周边外交,进一步优化对东盟公共外交机制。  相似文献   

6.
论中国公共外交的两条战线   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
中国公共外交存在"合作"与"竞争"两条战线,其中对美国和日本的公共外交为竞争性公共外交,对中东、东南亚、俄罗斯和非洲等国家和地区的公共外交属合作性公共外交。从中国公共外交现状看,竞争性公共外交战线处于被动局面,合作性公共外交战线则成效显著。因此,中国的公共外交实施策略必须针对竞争性公共外交对象进行设计:提升公共外交的战略地位,对其增加投入;淡化政府身份,多以非政府形式操作;不纠缠话语信息的是非曲直,以行动服人;与对手建立民间利益共生体。  相似文献   

7.
在中国崛起成为全球大国的同时,中国民间外交也进入了新时代。民间外交从人民外交而来,但已超越人民外交。民间外交与公共外交并存,但有异同。特别应警惕对民间外交概念的"泛化"与"逆化"。中国民间外交具有民间性、开放性、基础性、灵活性、独特的理论性等全新的内涵,同时也临着狭隘民族主义、民粹主义、极端主义、恐怖主义等外部挑战。为了推动和完善中国民间外交,中国人应更深入了解和理解世界各国人民心理,拓宽交流对象,重点做国外中产阶级的工作,以及探索建立政府与民间互动的新模式和新机制。  相似文献   

8.
在大数据时代,通过数据挖掘进行公共管理已经成为政府治理的新方式。大数据将从四个方面推动公共外交变革:一是促使网络公共外交模式发生变革,二是促使公共外交的调查方法科学化,三是提升公共外交的预测能力,四是促使公共外交决策模式发生变革。中国的公共外交需要新的战略:一是加强大数据权力,二是充分发挥大数据的作用。  相似文献   

9.
近年来,政界和学界对公共外交的研究逐渐升温,相关著作和学术论文的数量不断增 加,研究议题非常广泛,研究性质集中于实践操作类,其中,对中国和美国公共外交的政策研究最 多。中国国际政治学界对公共外交的行为主体、对象和形式的不同观点以及与国际政治理论的关 系都做了较为深入和广泛的研究,对中国公共外交体系构建也提出了具体政策建议,即将公共外 交提升至战略高度、淡化政府角色,利用多元行为体开展公共外交、制定符合外国公众文化和习惯 的政策。同时,目前的研究也存在许多不足,即研究多主观判断,缺少研究公共外交的分析方法;宏 观概说居多,缺少具体步骤研究;对短期公共外交措施缺乏研究等。  相似文献   

10.
本文意在通过对非政府组织在外交中的主体角色和策略行为的分析,来揭示其在公共外交和国际政治中的政治效应。本文认为:非政府组织作为非传统外交中的行为主体无法用"公众"一词来表达,非政府组织作为组织化的"公众"给国家政府带来了巨大的价值塑造和权威竞争上的压力;同时非政府组织还给国家政府的形象和价值追求塑造了评判标准;非政府组织的"逆外交"活动也使其在与国家政府的博弈中扮演权威和价值理念的主导者、灌输者和塑造者的角色。非政府组织在非传统外交中扮演的角色主要可分为三类:受国家政府委托或与政府有紧密联系,承担政府公共外交职能和任务;政治联盟或者伙伴,乃至是雇佣关系;跨国治理、跨国倡议或动员网络。非政府组织在公共外交中的角色作用带来了重要的政治效应:即酝酿着新型权力政治、"逆外交"政治、社会中心政治的呈现,并推动国家政治向非国家政治演进。  相似文献   

11.
In terms of the question, “how to create an effective peace-making process in the Israeli–Palestinian case,” this article argues that the answer is a multidimensional approach to peace-making diplomacy that contains two main settings: political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy. Political-elite diplomacy suggests various modes of peace-making interactions between political-elites. Public diplomacy provides instruments to involve the people in the peace-making struggle, prepares them for a change, and presses the leadership to reach agreements. The analysis suggests establishing an institution for the operation of public diplomacy—a major Israeli-Palestinian public negotiating congress. The congress is a democratic peace-making institution that invites representatives of the opposing societies to discuss, debate, and negotiate solutions to their struggle. The article also presents the concepts of political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy as competitive settings that should be regarded as complementary. It includes lessons from the “Minds of Peace Experiment”—a small-scale Israeli–Palestinian public negotiating congress—which has been conducted in different places around the world.  相似文献   

12.
随着全球化和信息化的迅速发展,作为传统外交的补充形式,公共外交在塑造国家形象、建立国家间互信方面扮演了重要角色。本文从介绍公共外交理论开始,探讨中国对东南亚国家公共外交的实践,并就中国对东南亚的公共外交提出建议。  相似文献   

13.
唐翀 《东南亚》2011,(1):28-31
公共外交是国家的一项重要战略资产,对于传播本国外交理念,塑造国家形象,改善本国的国际舆论环境有重要的意义。但作为一种外交手段,公共外交也具有局限性,其作用不应该过度被夸大。本文以中国在东南亚地区的公共外交为例,分析了我国公共外交存在的问题并提出了政策建议。  相似文献   

14.
This article is an inquiry into the relationship between diplomacy and public imagination in world politics. Neither the conventional conceptions of diplomacy as the art or practice of negotiations among groups or states, nor more critical meditations on the mediation of conflictual narratives, it is argued, can adequately explain the very subjective foundations of diplomacy as a normative practice in world politics. This glaring oversight is in large part due to the lack of engagement with the varied contours of historical meaning and memory that condition human thoughts and relations in world society. Diplomacy, I argue, is very much implicated in the normative dictates of public imagination: namely, the public understanding of history which arises from the exclusionary—and hence often conflicting—cultural narratives about nationhood, justice, language, rights, personhood, et cetera that remain the perennial facts of human relations in world society. As such, the practice of diplomacy can be reconceived as a paradox: an intervention into, and an enabler of, exclusivist narrations of public imagination in world society.  相似文献   

15.
张斌 《东南亚纵横》2014,(11):14-17
本文探讨发展和创新中国对东盟国家公共外交的策略。在开展与东盟国家外交方面,可以重点考虑发展和创新公共外交的主体、形式及内容等方面的创新:发挥国家领导人及重要领导出访周边国家及参加重要首脑会议带来的聚焦效应;搭建中国思想库对于政策理念的传播平台;突出发挥东盟各国华侨华人的作用;创新国际交流及教育文化交流项目;重视对东盟国家的文化外交,重点以文化为纽带,进行人文交流。  相似文献   

16.
The United States–India relationship was fraught with misapprehension and ideological disagreement during the 1950s. Public diplomacy provides a valuable context for examining these dynamics. This analysis assesses the planning, deployment, and reception of American public diplomacy to India under President Dwight Eisenhower, a period encompassing Washington’s 1954 alliance with Pakistan and economic aid to India in 1957–1958. Public diplomacy reflects the Administration’s difficulty in clarifying its interests in India. The rhetorical and moralising approach of India’s leadership, and their prominence in the global non-aligned movement, contributed greatly to this ambivalence. Public diplomacy planning highlights Washington’s difficulties in confronting India’s identity in world politics; it struggled to craft messages on racial attitudes, consumerism, and Communism, whilst Soviet public diplomacy gave strong competition throughout the period. At the same time, several aspects of American public diplomacy resonated with Indian audiences, indicating that there was the possibility of a closer American relationship with India had Washington taken a different high policy approach to the region.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

International sport, as Geoffrey Pigman has correctly observed, emerged “as a quintessential case study demonstrating the part that public diplomacy plays in contemporary diplomacy.” The British Empire Games/Commonwealth Games [BEG/CG] are one such example, being the second largest multi-national multi-sport event today. Their origins lie in the interwar era when members of sporting organisations, many of whom were active in other formal aspects of public life, considered the organisation of specific Imperial events through international networking. Described as lacking a “thoroughly analytical and interpretive account of their history,” questions of identity politics, public diplomacy and statecraft are at their core because the BEG, inaugurated in 1930, represented qualities and values that appealed to governments, civil society, and sportspeople alike. In the waning of the British Empire, the BEG was one attempt to maintain Imperial prestige and cement cultural bonds. Yet, not only is there an absence of analytical accounts of their history, but the inter-relationships between the BEG and diplomacy, and among global sport and diplomacy more broadly, have been similarly under-investigated. This absence is striking, representing a missed opportunity in understanding the development of global sport and international relations more generally.  相似文献   

18.
This analysis considers the phenomenon of citizen diplomacy in European Union [EU]–China relations. It begins by engaging with the global discourse about “new” diplomacy and outlines how society-centric citizen diplomacy differs from state-centric public diplomacy. After revealing that European policy-makers are only reluctantly acknowledging the role of laymen in foreign policy-making vis-à-vis China, it shows that whilst citizen diplomacy may be a new concept in EU–China relations, it is actually not a new practice. The empirical part of the exegesis traces the experiential learning amongst 12 European citizen diplomats who have engaged China in the activity fields of disability; psychoanalysis; non-governmental organisation twinning; human rights; climate change mitigation; welfare of orphans, abandoned disabled children and young people; youth dialogue; public participation; animal welfare; and inclusive performing arts. The final part makes use of the newly developed hexagon of intercultural communication and collaboration competence to reveal how the European citizen diplomats have managed to navigate the sometimes-treacherous political-administrative landscape in mainland China. European citizen diplomats have made manifold and often surprising contributions to China’s multifaceted development.  相似文献   

19.
This article presents and analyzes the elements of the Western Hemisphere's longest standing boundary dispute and the crucial role of the region's oldest multilateral conflict resolution mechanism in working out an historic agreement in October 1998. Other factors in combination were also critical for success: an existing international legal framework, multilevel bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, decisive leadership and statecraft, and public diplomacy. The analysis suggests that the final settlement is a significant milestone in international diplomacy, demonstrating that even the most deeply ingrained differences between states can be resolved by the patient and persistent efforts of all parties involved.  相似文献   

20.
自20世纪80年代末期以来,日本民众对中国日益增长的认识偏差和部分媒体对中国的负面报道已经成为两国关系健康发展的重要障碍。对日开展公共外交旨在通过信息和文化交流活动加深中日两国民众的相互认识和理解,促使日本媒体与公众能以更加客观的态度来看待中国,帮助日本人民了解历史真相。中国对日开展公共外交,总体来说取得过一定的成绩,但仍有缺失,不能适应新时期改善中日外交关系的要求。要改变这一状况,必须在明确目标的基础上采取新的措施,包括充分重视媒体的作用;积极开展教育文化交流;加强对内开展公共外交等。  相似文献   

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