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1.
印度伟大作家泰戈尔的作品和思想是印度文化软实力的重要组成部分。近年来,印度国内外举办了多种多样的泰戈尔纪念活动与学术研讨会,这是印度传播文化软实力的重要举措。印度传播包括泰戈尔在内的文化软实力既有其有利条件,也存在一些不利因素。  相似文献   

2.
印度外交新态势:文化软实力的推进   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
任飞 《南亚研究季刊》2009,(2):12-16,24
约瑟夫·奈提出的“软实力”理论在世界政坛日益受到广泛的关注。印度将提升软实力作为新世纪外交的重要任务之一。印度文化软实力有着追求精神胜于物质、强调人与自然的和谐统一等传统价值理念和以民主、多元化、包容性为特征的政治价值观;流行文化亦内涵丰富并深具魅力。近年来,印度在南盟、周边、非洲拉美、欧美等不同层面不同领域因地制宜积极推进文化软实力。通过独具特色的文化软实力外交,印度有效地提升了国家形象,为自身的崛起营造了良好的发展环境。  相似文献   

3.
本文通过《印度时报》对中国的报道,从中分析印度报纸对中国文化软实力的认知,以此了解中国文化软实力在印度的状况。从《印度时报》对中国文化、中国发展模式和中国外交政策等方面的认知可以看出中国文化在印度是极具吸引力的。中国经济发展模式对印度有较强影响力,但政治体制有待提升认同力度。中国对印度的外交政策总体上为中印关系良好发展创造了条件,但中印关系中的边界问题亟需解决。总的来看,中国文化软实力在印度是有很大吸引力的,文章对中国文化软实力的进一步完善和提升提出对策思考。  相似文献   

4.
罗森 《亚非纵横》2011,(5):17-24
在当代国际关系中,随着时代主题的转变、全球化大潮的全面来临,国家之间相互依赖程度的加深,用传统军事经济手段解决问题的成本日益加大,国家软实力的重要性正日趋上升。印度是一个正在崛起的新兴大国,了解印度的软实力及其发展、变化和运用,对我国有极其重要的意义。本文旨在探讨印度的软实力,分析印度发展软实力的优势与劣势。  相似文献   

5.
张占顺 《东南亚》2015,(1):80-86,110
从中印文化比较来看,中国文化与印度文化都是古老而各具特色的文化,中国对高等教育重视程度略低于印度,中国文化现代化程度要高于印度。从中印发展模式比较来看,中国政府办事效率高于印度,中国经济发展的硬件环境优于印度,印度经济发展的软件环境从长远来看好于中国,两国的社会发展模式优劣各异。从中印国际影响力比较来看,印度的国际影响力与中国的国际影响力相比还存在一定的差距。从整体上看,尽管印度的文化软实力与中国的文化软实力相比还有些差距,但印度在发展文化软实力过程中的许多做法和经验,值得中国学习和借鉴。  相似文献   

6.
塔利班倒台后,印度通过软实力战略来恢复其在阿富汗的影响力。该战略实施的具体路径包括文化影响、民主援助和发展外交,其动因主要是为了防止塔利班与基地组织卷土重来,以及遏制巴基斯坦等。印度对阿软实力战略尽管取得了一定的成效,但受到来自阿富汗宗教保守势力抵制、巴基斯坦反弹以及与美新战略冲突等因素制约,面临很大困境。在阿富汗政府启动与塔利班和解进程以及美国与北约可能撤军的前景下,印度可能会有限度地调整其既定战略。  相似文献   

7.
中国软实力评估报告(上)   总被引:41,自引:0,他引:41  
软实力建设是中国打破大国崛起悖论的重要途径,是中国坚持和平发展道路的重要指向,是中国实现崛起的重要指标.作者概述软实力的基本理论,指出文化、观念、发展模式、国际制度、国际形象为中国软实力的核心要素,并从历史比较、国际比较相结合的角度对以上五个核心要素逐一评估,并就如何增强中国软实力提出建议.  相似文献   

8.
印度是我国的重要邻国,也是一个正在崛起中的大国。客观地认识、了解印度,对我们具有特殊的现实意义。印度与我国都是四大古国之一,有着悠久的历史与文化,在近代史上,都曾因落后而挨打,沦为被西方列强任意宰割的羔羊;中印两国都是发展中国家,都是人口大国。然而,在短短的几十年间,综合国力远远落后于我国的印度在一些领域正大步流星地前进,有些发展指标赶上甚至超过了我们。印度的崛起对我们在新世纪实现跨越式发展有何启示呢”?  相似文献   

9.
近年来,印度在国际上的影响力不断扩大,其持续快速发展的经济、日益提升的军事实力以及手握核武器使国际社会难以忽视它的存在。印度已成为世界上一个巨大的新兴市场和正在崛起的大国,在国际上发挥着越来越重要的作用。然而在国内,印度却面临着一些制约其崛起的因素,其中腐败问题尤其突出。尽管印度政府为反腐设计了一整套机制,但由于存在政治领导者缺乏反腐意志、  相似文献   

10.
面临着冷战后国际形势的变革,印度的外交观念、外交方式也发生了相应的调整。印度在制定对外政策时愈加重视软实力的作用,这在对非洲关系中得到了明确体现。印度通过实施经济援助、加强教育文化交流、促进与非洲国家的军事合作以及支持非洲在国际体系中的合法权益等方式极大促进了双边关系发展。非洲在中国对外战略中具有重要地位,我国应积极借鉴印度对非洲软实力外交经验以促进中非关系发展。  相似文献   

11.
国际舆论作为国际社会一股重要的力量,不仅有其区别于一般舆论的特性,而且通过与人类核心价值观念、国际法渊源和国际争端解决的联系,对国际法产生了全面而深刻的影响。国际舆论与国际法相互影响,并对国际争端的解决产生巨大作用。随着东海南海岛屿争端的加剧,诉诸国际法成为解决争议的最好办法。但单纯依靠法律方法解决争端仍然具有一定的局限性,而在国际法框架内充分调动国际舆论的积极因素,不失为解决此类岛屿争端的明智选择。在中菲南海仲裁案中,中方应重视对于国际舆论主导权的争夺。  相似文献   

12.
This article advances an account of “the international” in which “juridical life” is taken as the dominant ethic and ultimately the force of “the international” within the discipline of international relations. It evaluates the foundational myths of international politics in terms of its capacity to exercise juridical power, in the service of the state as a geopolitical entity. It examines the ethics of doing “the international” and how rationalities of the international are contained within legalist rationalities of international politics. Drawing upon the ideas of Giorgio Agamben, it proposes an alternative conceptualisation of international life in which the juridical is dispossessed of its political rationality. Such an outlook allows for the reframing of international politics at a critical distance from geopolitical orthodoxies within international theory and opens up new possibilities for ethics in international politics.  相似文献   

13.
Recently, increasing references are made to the international community that is conceptually and analytically useful when distinguished from the international society. Supposedly, the relations of some international agents can be described as a community due to their shared we-feeling, identity or ethos. This article discusses ‘thick’ and ‘thin’ international communities and suggests additional criteria that ought to be considered when determining whether a particular actor or agent is or is not a member of the international community. Moreover, the article suggests a dynamic conception of the international community as a context-dependent configuration rather than as some relatively stable subgroup of the international society. In this sense, this article offers an innovative perspective to collectivities through a focus on the international community. On a different level, this opportunity is used to draw attention to the roles beliefs play in and in the study of international politics.  相似文献   

14.
With the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the International Criminal Court (ICC), the international community has taken the most decisive steps yet to reach inside the state to protect individuals from and prosecute individuals for violations of international humanitarian law. After outlining the key developments in international law on this subject, I turn to the heart of the paper—an analysis of how these developments in international law should affect theory and research in international relations and comparative politics. To what extent should we expect that the international community would hold individuals accountable? Will individual leaders comply with international law? Most importantly, what factors will influence the level of enforcement of and compliance with international law? I conclude with suggestions as to how research on international law on individual liability should advance.  相似文献   

15.
国际体系转型与中国国际话语权提升战略   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中国在国际体系转型的大背景下,提升国际话语权显得非常必要。中国经过改革开放30多年的发展,国家强劲崛起为国际话语权的提升提供了条件。中国可以从“中国特色”范式的形成、中国理论水平的提高、外交政策的调整及国际传播能力的增强等四个方面入手,提高自身的话语权。  相似文献   

16.
达巍 《国际问题研究》2021,(1):99-110,125
中国与西方国家使用不同术语来描述现行国际秩序,双方对国际秩序的认识也确实存在明显差异。但是仔细分辨之后,又能发现中国与西方的国际秩序观实际上重叠之处远大于差异之处。2008年金融危机后,国际秩序开始发生重大变化。2020年的新冠肺炎疫情进一步加剧了这一变化。一方面国际格局的变化导致西方国家认为现行国际秩序遭到新兴大国挑战,另一方面西方国家内部对全球化的不满则导致一些西方国家主动挑战现行国际秩序。当前国际秩序演变出现了自由主义色彩消退、民族国家作用逐渐强化的趋势,这将导致中国与西方国家在某些方面的竞争加剧,但也有可能导致双方对国际秩序演变方向的认知差异缩小。只有准确理解国际秩序演变的这些脉络,中国才能更好地进行战略和政策抉择以趋利避害。  相似文献   

17.
The article considers international advocacy concerning the exploitation of gas reserves in an area inhabited by an isolated indigenous group in Peru, the Machigengua. Considerable international advocacy activity was centred mainly in Washington, DC. Poor communication between those directly affected and international environmental NGOs characterised very different and not always compatible agendas. The article concludes that this failure to adapt the international lobby both to the views of the indigenous population and to political realities in Peru severely weakened the impact of the international advocacy work.  相似文献   

18.
Students of international relations interested in cooperation through international regimes and organizations very often devote their attention to the role of a few big states rather than the numerous small ones. Small states tend to possess fewer administrative and financial resources back home as well as smaller and less well-equipped delegations at the international negotiation table than big states. This can easily translate into difficulties in preparing positions for all items on the negotiation agenda and in developing negotiation strategies in great detail, which might inhibit small states from successfully influencing negotiation outcomes. Yet, since international negotiation often rest on a one-state, one-vote principle and since small states can adjust priorities and redirect their limited capacities, there is a window of opportunity for small states to turn into important international actors and achieve significant outcomes in international affairs. In order to systematically shed light on the role of small states in international negotiations, this article outlines the conceptual framework to answer the following question: How, and under which conditions, can small states successfully punch above their weight in international negotiations?  相似文献   

19.
从印度洋海啸分析国际人道主义援助模式   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
2004年底发生的印度洋海啸给人类带来了一场空前的灾难,随后的国际人道主义援助无论从规模上,还是从数量上都突破了历史记录。通过对这次国际援助的分析,我们看到国际人道主义援助模式还不可能摆脱国际权力政治,依然是一个援助国和受援国之间互相作用的复杂过程。要使国际援助更加符合人道主义的本意,国际社会还需要继续培养合作意识,加强国际协调组织的建立和作用。  相似文献   

20.
Todays’ international security architecture composed of international security treaties and international security norms has been established and formalized by negotiations. Owing to the great importance of international security negotiations for international security practices, this paper sheds light on negotiation activities. A study of 100 different international security negotiations shows that states vary considerably with respect to their negotiation activity. Some countries voice positions very often, while others remain completely silent. This is puzzling, as active negotiation participation is an expression of state sovereignty and a means to influence the shape of the international security architecture. The article distinguishes between capacity and incentives as driving forces of state activity in international security negotiations. The analysis reveals that, next to political and financial capacities, states that place high priority on military matters are more active, while smaller and poorer states are more likely to shelter under the security umbrella of larger counterparts.  相似文献   

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