从乌克兰政局演变看俄美政治博弈

苏联解体后，俄罗斯开始重构与乌克兰的关系。随着俄对外战略的调整和美国全球战略的推行，俄美很快渡过了“蜜月期”，在独联体地区展开了势力范围的争夺。由于战略地位的重要性，乌克兰不可避免地成为美俄在后苏联地区争夺的主战场。     

布什政府对俄罗斯政策成因分析

美国对俄罗斯政策主要由美国在国际体系中的实力地位、国内因素、美对俄认知等因 素决定。冷战后, 由于国力差距悬殊, 美国掌握着美俄关系的主动权;21 世纪初, 美国共和党政府 上台后, 凭借“一超”的实力地位, 追求主导世界秩序的“单极”战略, 在对外政策中奉行美国利益至 上的“单边主义” , 强调地缘政治利益、重视传统安全, 以实力和对抗解决问题;俄罗斯大国倾向、外 交战略、国家的“非民主”特征导致美对俄非良性认知等使得布什政府视俄为战略竞争对手, 实行弱 俄、防俄政策。     

试论美俄"新战略框架"关系

以美俄确定建立“新战略框架”为标志,两国关系中“去冷战化”进程加速,并取得阶段性重大突破。传统意义上的东西方关系退出历史舞台。由于实力对比不平衡性加剧,美进俄退的基本态势将长期存在,核战略优势进一步向美国倾斜。普京对外政策出现重大调整,进一步实行战略收缩。反恐战争和普京对外政策的变化使美国对俄罗斯在美国全球战略中的地位与角色有了新的思考。中国以“平常心”看待美俄关系的发展变化,体现了中国外交的成熟。     

俄美关系:冷和平

俄美关系的基本特点已定型 ,即“冷和平”。现在的俄美关系是冷战后最“冷”的时期 ,1999年是双方关系陷入新低点的标志年。俄美是一对无共同利益基础的伙伴 ,导致俄美冲突的基础性原因是大国争雄 ,俄美的战略利益、地缘安全、国际目标都相去甚远 ,互相矛盾 ,俄美冲突具有不可避免性 ,“冷和平 ,冷伙伴”是俄美关系的现实写照。短期内 ,俄罗斯无力重开冷战 ,而美国将继续对俄采取两面政策。普京将高举爱国主义和强国意识的旗帜 ,俄美关系的实质不会发生重大变化。从长远来看 ,随着俄罗斯重振大国地位 ,努力成为多极世界中的一员 ,俄美对立将会升温 ,甚至向“热冷战”转化     

俄美“新战略框架”分析

20 0 2年 5月 ,俄罗斯与美国宣布建立新型的战略框架关系。俄罗斯与北约建立“2 0国机制” ,揭开了俄美关系发展新的一页。新战略框架作为俄美在新形势下对双方关系的一种界定 ,它反映出俄美双方的主要意图和共同利益 ,各有其战略所需。俄美新战略框架关系的建立 ,标志着两国关系进入了新的发展阶段 ,同时也具有美进俄退、美攻俄守的态势和核战略优势向美倾斜的趋势。俄美建立新战略关系是双方“求同存异”的现实选择 ,由于利益分歧依旧存在、战略目标不同、相互信任基础不稳固以及国内政治因素的影响 ,新战略框架关系的发展面临着许多不确定因素。当前 ,美国在大国关系中占据主导地位 ,俄美关系今后如何发展将主要取决于美国的行动。     

格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯关系中的美国因素

在格鲁吉亚和俄罗斯关系的发展过程中,格把对俄关系放在外交政策的第一位,同时积极与西方国家建立友好的伙伴关系。美国从格独立后便开始进入外高加索地区,直到2001年“9·11”事件发生之后,美国军事力量进入格鲁吉亚,为格培训军事人员,并开始介入阿布哈兹事务,在格俄关系中的美国因素越来越明显,而俄美在格的争夺也愈演愈烈。本文阐述苏联解体后格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯关系的变化,以及格俄关系起落中的美国因素。     

美俄关系现状及走向

“9·1 1”后 ,俄罗斯的对美积极表态和配合 ,曾令各方以为美俄关系进入了一个新的“蜜月期” ,美俄“战略伙伴关系”的说法在两国的决策层也获得了相当认同。然而 ,围绕伊拉克战争 ,俄同法、德一起坚决反战的态度则大出美国的预料之外 ,而当战后美国采取对法、德“不可原谅”、而对俄要“不计前嫌”的区别对待政策之际 ,尤科斯总裁被起诉、俄杜马选举右派“全军覆没”等事件 ,却让美国“深感失望” ,对俄的批评甚至挞伐之声不绝于耳 ;俄罗斯自然也不甘示弱 ,在国内问题上依然“我行我素” ,在中亚驻军问题上与美互别苗头 ,并于今年 1月底 2月初举行了 2 0多年来规模最大的战略演习。一时间 ,美俄关系引起各方高度关注 ,有评论甚至认为美俄关系将进入“小冷战”状态。那么 ,究竟应该如何判断美俄关系的现状 ?其未来将呈何种走势 ?本期我们邀请中国现代国际关系研究院的几位专家 ,围绕“美俄关系现状及走向”这一主题举行深入对谈 ,希望他们的见解有助于您对该问题的进一步深入思考。     

俄罗斯对美国战略认知的演变及其政策效应

俄罗斯对美国战略认知的演变过程分为友好合作、竞争凸显和激烈对抗三个阶段。俄罗斯的强势外交和安全政策,表现为俄罗斯对美国和北约的强硬战略姿态以及追求超出自身相对实力的外交和安全目标。俄罗斯战略认知的演变与俄美两国的利益冲突之间有着相互塑造的关系,但是俄罗斯战略认知的变化并不仅仅取决于利益考量。俄罗斯之所以把北约东扩、乌克兰走向、叙利亚局势等看得如此重要,不惜投入大量资源,这是与塑造俄罗斯战略认知的历史和心理因素是分不开的。美国采取的许多对俄政策和行为,正是因为忽略了这些因素,才被俄罗斯看作是“侮辱性”和“威胁性”的,从而导致了双方敌意的螺旋式上升。由于俄罗斯独特的历史记忆和大国情结,俄罗斯对俄美两国的利益冲突作出了激烈的回应,这些回应虽然不利于俄罗斯的国家实力和整体利益,但却是可以理解的。随着俄罗斯对美战略认知的逐步定型,俄美关系在短期内很难实现所谓的“重启”。从俄罗斯对美战略认知的案例分析可以看出,战略认知自身有其相对的独立性,在受到利益冲突影响的同时,也受到社会文化因素的深刻影响,从而使得国家的外交与安全政策未必完全遵循理性主义的路径。     

俄美对乌克兰争夺态势

一 冷战后,欧洲地缘政治发生了重大变化,在俄罗斯与西欧之间一度出现了“三道防线”。以美国为首的北约为进一步挤压俄的战略空间和分化瓦解俄的势力范围,扩大其战略纵深,在首轮东扩将俄的“第一道防线”——中东欧国家相继冲垮后,即将在第二轮东扩中拿下波罗的海国家,攻破原苏联地区范围,即俄罗斯的“第二道防线”。紧接着将实施第三轮东扩,向俄的“第三道防线”,也即俄最后一道势力范围防线——独联体地区国家进军,而乌克兰是其中的主要目标。由于乌是俄与西欧之间最后一道 “缓冲线”,且长期是其势力范围,乃至是俄本土之一部分,俄不会轻易让以美国为首的北约收入囊中。为此,俄美对乌展开激烈争夺,乌与俄美关系呈现微妙、复杂的状态。 （一）美乌关系。冷战后,美国为推行全球战略,一直在分化和瓦解前苏联的势力。由于乌位于欧亚大陆地缘     

俄罗斯的独联体政策及其走势

独联体对俄罗斯而言,具有战略屏障和战略借重的双重作用,也是俄国家振兴的依托条件之一。但因俄独联体政策有诸多失当、新独立国家自主意识增强,以及美国和西方采取诱压结合的方式分化独联体,目前独联体处于四分五裂中,俄与独联体其他成员国间关系总体呈纷争多于合作态势。经历了各式“颜色革命”的独联体未来内部矛盾还将扩大,俄与美国及西方在争夺后苏联战略空间的较量中谁是最后的赢家,尚需观察。     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Negotiation,politics, and management

Book reviews in this article:
Samuel B. Bacharach and Edward J. Lawler , Power and Politics in Organizations: The Social Psychology of Conflict, Coalitions, and Bargaining .
Max H. Bazerman and Roy J. Lewicki , eds., Negotiating in Organizations .
Jeffrey Pfeffer , Power in Organizations .     

Privatisation,multinationals, and corruption

Recent initiatives from the OECD, the World Bank, and others on the subject of corruption have received widespread attention. However, the author argues that the incidence of corruption is closely connected with contracting-out, concessions, and privatisation, where multinationals based in OECD countries stand to gain profitable business. The encouragement of privatisation by the World Bank, and the economic benefit to OECD multinationals from this business, mean that action against corruption needs to involve effective sanctions by developing countries against multinationals which engage in corrupt practices; greater political transparency to remove the secrecy under which corruption flourishes; and resistance to the uncritical extension of privatisation. This article looks at empirical evidence on this subject.