论伊斯兰文化的社会参与功能

伊斯兰文化以固有的社会属性,通过宗教礼仪形式参与并影响社会的政治、经济和文化生活,对构建社会秩序和规范社会秩序的有序性起了举足轻重的作用,具有独特的社会参与功能.宗教文化构成了伊斯兰社会的主要元素,在穆斯林的宗教生活,以及世俗生活中发挥重要作用.宗教叩拜文化不仅是穆斯林的生活方式,而且是一种固定的社会生活秩序.从时间、空间到人间.社会上的一切几乎都是宗教的,伊斯兰社会形成了一种立体的宗教管理模式.礼拜的要素之一是人际连锁关系,宗教生活形成了一个"社会文化场",每个人都不能离开以"社会文化场"为中心的生活圈,且都是社会宗教活动的参与者.     

论《古兰经》译注的文化意义

<古兰经>树立伊斯兰教与伊斯兰文化之根,塑立教义教法与教理学理之本,确立穆斯林伦理道德与行为纲常之据的文化价值和社会功能,因语言障碍没有得以全方位展现.于是,穆斯林学界基于<古兰经>和圣训的创制原理与基本精神,严格遵循<古兰经>注释学学理原则,展开了译注<古兰经>的长期学术工程.<古兰经>译注解读了伊斯兰教的基本知识,使<古兰经>真正成为人类共享的文化财富;丰富了伊斯兰文化,使之成为世界范围的一大文化系统;加速了伊斯兰教植根于许多国家和地区的步伐,使之顺应所在国的国情,并不同程度地实现本土化与学说化;增进了伊斯兰文明同其他文明之间的理解与包容,认同与交流,对于多元文化和谐相处具有非同寻常的意义.     

美国与主要伊斯兰国家的关系：重塑与改造（续六）

四、美国与沙特的关系沙特阿拉伯是阿拉伯世界的领袖,又是伊斯兰圣地麦加和麦地那的所在地,对全世界的穆斯林具有重要的心理和象征意义。它作为伊斯兰世界的精神中心和世界穆斯林大会、世界伊斯兰联盟、伊斯兰会议等组织的创办者和总部所在地,引领了“新泛伊斯兰运动”的发展方向。它又作为伊斯兰文化的重要传播者和资助者在穆斯林世界具有举足轻重的影响。它还是石油资源最为丰富的国家,对美国的石油利益和国际能源市场具有重大意义。“9·11”事件后,沙特成为美国打击伊斯兰极端主义、重塑“大中东”乃至整个伊斯兰世界所无法回避的重要国…     

论伊斯兰文化的社会功能

伊斯兰教的产生通常被认为是宗教与社会革命结合的产物,它对社会的整合功能,以及对社会秩序的规范作用相当突出.宗教的社会功能是宗教本质的核心所在和宗教定义的关键因素.伊斯兰教具有独特的社会功能,主要包括:社会整合、社会参与和社会协调.从它们对于民众生活的意义重大中可以看出政治要素的"系统状态".因为民众是支持和支撑各国政权的基础,民众稳定是政权稳定的基本前提.笔者所探讨的是伊斯兰教对早期伊斯兰社会制度的构建与整合,对教法的整合,以及对生活秩序的整合,它真实地反映出穆斯林的社会生活状况.     

清真寺文化及其价值——兼论当代伊斯兰社会现状(上)

清真寺文化是指以清真寺为中心的文化,它是伊斯兰宗教文化理论的实践地。在阿拉伯社会发展史上,清真寺的产生是伊斯兰社会发展的一次重大转型,它标志着阿拉伯人由散居的游牧社会向文明的定居社会发展。清真寺作为这一社会转型的分水岭和见证,扎根于伊斯兰社会,由宗教场所进一步发展成为清真寺文化,它标志着中东地区人民从传统的游牧文化、沙漠文化转型为定居文化。清真寺是由传统多神教转为一神教的重要标志,同时也是由氏族宗教转为国家宗教的里程碑。清真寺构成庞大的伊斯兰社会,它注重个人与社会同步发展,体现宗教本位价值,赋予穆斯林皆兄弟的人文理念和人人平等的思想内涵。     

非洲伊斯兰教的现状与发展趋势

非洲伊斯兰教系伊斯兰教传入非洲后同当地传统文化长期碰撞与融合的产物,带有鲜明的非洲特色。当前,非洲伊斯兰教不仅拥有大量信徒,而且发展势头十分强劲。大多数非洲穆斯林信奉传统、温和且具有宽容精神的伊斯兰教;也有一部分穆斯林主张建立以伊斯兰教法为基础的社会;还有一小部分穆斯林信仰伊斯兰极端主义,他们的行为已成为一些非洲国家和地区不安定的因素之一。从国际层面看,非洲伊斯兰教已日益成为整个伊斯兰世界的重要组成部分。随着非洲社会经济的发展变迁和经济全球化趋势的不断增强,非洲伊斯兰教和穆斯林正在发生深刻变化。     

当代马来西亚政教关系研究——以伊斯兰法律地位的变迁为视角

在保障宗教自由的前提下,马来西亚在独立时立伊斯兰为官方宗教。惟马哈蒂尔统治时期通过大规模的伊斯兰化政策和伊斯兰法律体制的改革,大举提高了伊斯兰教的法律地位,其对国内穆斯林的日常生活形成严密的规范,也严重冲击马来西亚的世俗化体制。但是,实施日渐保守和严厉的伊斯兰规范使得宗教激进主义逐渐发展成为普及马来社会的意识形态,执政党巫统反而日渐受制于伊斯兰化的草根力量,近年来进一步向宗教激进主义靠拢。为今之计,马来苏丹、巫统开明的党领袖和元老、誓言维护世俗体制的其他政党领袖、开明的政府官僚和知识分子成为防止马来西亚世俗体制进一步变化的最后一道防线。     

伊斯兰文化理论及实践(下)

伊斯兰文化是伊斯兰民族精神的重要组成部分。理论上,伊斯兰教首先是和平的宗教,穆罕默德创建伊斯兰教旨在通过宗教实现人类和平。圣战是重要的伊斯兰文化理论之一,它作为一种政治手段,一直与伊斯兰教相伴生。圣战还是一种宗教意识形态,它包括内部冲突、对外冲突、战胜敌人和战胜自己的私欲。在伊斯兰教诸多精神中,圣战精神最具魅力。服从理论是伊斯兰教的精髓之一,伊斯兰教是服从真主意志的宗教,服从使者也是根本特征之一。在神权至上的伊斯兰社会里,服从意识成为宗教文化发展的重要特色。报应理论,是伊斯兰的经典主张,“善有善报,恶有恶报”。这些理论与社会生活十分密切,在社会上有很大市场及文化应用价值。     

美国的“伊斯兰恐惧症”探析

特朗普及其团队的系列反穆斯林言行,反映了美国社会中根深蒂固的"伊斯兰恐惧症"。其在美国主要表现为四点:一是公开否定和敌视伊斯兰教,将之与极端主义挂钩;二是公开歧视、孤立甚至攻击穆斯林;三是对伊斯兰文化传播及穆斯林人口增长的忧虑和排斥;四是在外交方面对伊斯兰国家及穆斯林群体的歧视和攻击。"伊斯兰恐惧症"在美国并非新现象,其产生和盛行有复杂的原因,包括历史、制度、社会和直接原因等。"伊斯兰恐惧症"的蔓延对美国国内团结、社会稳定及对外政策都产生了消极影响。     

清真寺与伊斯兰文明的构建、传播和发展

清真寺之所以能够成为伊斯兰文明的符号象征,既表现为经训等文化原典中大量经文的系统阐释,又凸显出清真寺在创造伊斯兰物质文化、精神文化和制度文化等具体实践中所发挥的重要建构作用;伊斯兰传播的历史既是清真寺的建设历史,也是穆斯林的移民历史,清真寺在伊斯兰文明向世界传播的过程中扮演了文化符号与传播媒介的双重角色,并在穆斯林由游牧--定居--寺市并存--伊斯兰城市--伊斯兰国家--伊斯兰文化圈--全球穆斯林教缘共同体的形成中功不可没;对于清真寺在伊斯兰文明发展中应扮演怎样的角色这一问题必须予以足够重视:充分发掘宗教礼拜场所先在的精神资源优势进行对话,以形成教际对话的长效机制;沙特阿拉伯国王阿卜杜拉和爱资哈尔的伊玛目已在不同层面承担起全球化时代宗教领袖的责任,他们的对话精神值得倡导;拥有清真寺这一话语平台的阐释者应秉承伊斯兰"创制"传统对经训做出合乎时代精神的诠释,以维护伊斯兰文明的阐释权威性.     

Turkish civil society divided by the headscarf ban

The headscarf ban at universities and public offices in Turkey caused many debates over women's rights and freedoms. Civil society organizations, which are known as agents of democratization, have been an important part of these debates. Drawing on the literature on the relationship between civil society, democracy, and Islam, this article investigates how Islamic, Kemalist secular, and non-Kemalist secular organizations support their stance towards the headscarf ban and react to critical developments regarding the ban. The discourse of the organizations is analysed using their press releases and in-depth interviews with the presidents of the organizations. By declaring the headscarf as anti-secular, anti-modern, and oppressive, Kemalist secular organizations reproduce official state ideology. The various ways in which Islamic organizations frame their stance on the headscarf issue on the other hand suggest that Islamic organizations could be just as democratic as many other secular movements. Furthermore, the fact that non-Kemalist secular organizations are critical of the headscarf ban makes them much closer to Islamic organizations than Kemalist secular organizations.     

Islamic terrorist activities in turkey in the 1990s

This article focuses on Islamic terrorism in the framework of overall Islamic activity in Turkey. It argues that Islamic terrorist organizations active in Turkey during the 1990s strived to establish an Islamic shari ’a‐based state on the Iranian example, profited from deeper social and political trends in Turkish society and, at the same time, strengthened those trends by their violence. These groups enjoyed wide Iranian support and often acted on behalf of Iranian local and regional, political and strategic interests. The reaction of Turkish authorities in the past to Islamic terrorist activity was limited, and thus encouraged leaders of these groups and their sponsors to continue escalating violence, hoping it would bring down the secular democratic regime in Turkey.     

Radical Islam and the struggle for influence in Central Asia

The threat of an Iranian‐style Islamic takeover of the newly independent states of Central Asia is currently more of a potential than actual threat to the secular rulers of these countries. Nonetheless, economic, environmental and nationality problems render these rulers vulnerable to a future Islamic potential challenge. The threat of Islam has been used by local leaders to justify dictatorships and intervene in neighboring countries, while foreign governments, such as Turkey and Israel, have sought to exploit the threat of Islam in Central Asia to strengthen their support from the United States. By contrast, Iran has downplayed the Islamic factor in its foreign policy toward these new republics and as a result has enhanced its relationship with Russia, which seeks to establish its hegemony over the region.     

中亚伊斯兰极端主义

中亚是伊斯兰极端主义非常活跃的地区,目前它已成为宗教反对派的一个重要组成部分.近年来,以伊扎布特为代表的极端势力越来越多地介入社会生活的各个方面,参与总统和议会选举,积极获取政治权力.极端主义已对地区稳定、国家安全造成了新一轮冲击.     

Islam and politics in Europe and in Asia: Comparative reflections

This article compares the role of religion, and of Islam in particular, in politics in Europe and in South and South East Asia. It starts out with the policy dilemmas facing France, Europe's most secular country that also has Europe's largest immigrant Muslim community. After long debates nation-wide Muslim organisation is now sponsored by the state in order to strengthen moderate Islam in France. In contrast, explicit Christian parties are in decline in most of Europe. Those who are still electorally successful are Christian mostly in name only and have turned into centre-right conservative people's parties instead. Religious discourse in politics has hence vanished almost entirely in Europe. In difference in Asia Islamic opposition parties have managed to set increasingly the political agenda in the majority Islamic states. In those countries with an Islamic minority their public religious agitation serves to strengthen their ethnic minority identity. Meaningful bi-continental dialogue needs to be aware of this discrepancy in religious politics.     

东南亚的伊斯兰教：现状与特点

伊斯兰教作为一种外来的宗教已在东南亚地区流传了数百年,现在已经成为影响东南亚多数国家政治经济发展、民族团结和社会稳定的重要因素。本文在对东南亚地区伊斯兰教的现状进行扼要介绍的基础上,分别从分布及发展、宗教特色、政治性等方面探讨东南亚地区伊斯兰教的一些内在特点,指出伊斯兰教已经对部分东南亚国家产生了重要的影响,认为现阶段这一地区还没有形成较大规模的伊斯兰运动。     

Too many enemies: Mobilization,marginalization, and political violence

Over the past decades, a pattern has emerged across the Islamic world of secular actors struggling to build sustainable social movements while Islamists show a higher success rate in doing so—a dynamic often accompanied by high levels of violence and little space for dialogue between actors from across the political spectrum. In this article, we illustrate the utility of social movement theory (SMT) in explaining the ability of some movements to mobilize en masse, while others become marginalized. Furthermore, we suggest that SMT is useful in understanding the processes that produce socio-political dynamics conducive to violent rather than non-violent tactics. Through a case study of Bangladesh, where in 2013 the secular Shahbag mobilization was derailed by a massive Islamist counter-mobilization, this article shows how movements not only capitalize on, but actually contribute to, shifts in cultural discourse through political maneuvering and long-term socialization. By anchoring their ideology in pre-existing religio-cultural imagery, Islamists have been successful in casting themselves as “authentic” defenders of Islam and their secular opponents as “atheists.” In such a socio-political context, the space for dialogue among the various political actors is severely limited and the impetus to employ violent tactics strong.     

寄生虫谷胱甘肽转移酶的研究进展

谷胱甘肽转移酶(glutathione S-transfer,aGsSeT)是由多基因编码、具有多种功能的超基因家族酶,是细胞内转运的"通用"载体蛋白。哺乳动物的GST可调控细胞增殖和死亡信号通路,具有参与运输、新陈代谢和生理反应等的能力。已有研究表明,多种寄生虫的GST参与虫体的生命活动。综述了有关寄生虫GST的研究进展,为后续相关研究提供思路。     

20世纪印度尼西亚伊斯兰教育变迁

作为印尼穆斯林社会的重要构成，伊斯兰教育在20世纪经历了深刻变化。一方面，伊斯兰现代主义推动印尼伊斯兰教育现代性的发展，另一方面，独立后印尼政府去伊斯兰化政策促进了伊斯兰教育的世俗化与非政治化发展。在后苏哈托时期，伊斯兰教育面临伊斯兰多元主义的挑战，尤其如何应对伊斯兰激进主义成为印尼伊斯兰教育改革不可回避的问题。     

Just war and the Lebanese resistance to Israel

The literature on Lebanese resistance to Israel is overwhelmed with work on Hezbollah, the role of religion, and its connection to Iranian influence. However, few of these studies have looked at the totality of Lebanese resistance, from its secular origins to its Islamic monopoly. Moreover, no work to date has looked at Lebanese resistance through the prism of just war theory. This article aims at addressing this gap by applying the criteria introduced by Childress regarding the justness of war. Moreover, the article examines resistance as a practice of non-state actors and its terrorist label, and at the same time, evaluates Israel’s military response to Lebanese resistance through the prism of state terrorism.