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1.
The Sino-Russia relation is a kind of new state-relationship,which is based on the long-term political,economic and security interests of the people of two countries.Mutual respect,equality,and mutual benefit are the basis of this relationship.China and Russia should strengthen regional cooperation and cultural exchanges so that the bilateral relations can be consolidated further.President Xi Jinping's visit to Russia opens up new opportunities for pragmatic cooperation between China and Russia.  相似文献   

2.
What impact does a shift in the global distribution of power have on the international order? According to the views of traditional realists, power transitions in the international order are usually accompanied by major wars, the best example being the two world wars of the twentieth century. China's peaceful rise is conducive to the peace and stability of Asia and Pacific regions. The steady rise of China's position and its role in dealing with international and regional problems have proved China's success in "cooperative security". This paper analyzes the security order in the Asia-Pacific region1 that China wants to construct to provide important guarantees to its peaceful rise. Firstly, I review and compare key arguments about the transition of international systems and China's Asia-Pacific strategy, Secondly, I investigate the dynamics between China's peaceful rise and the "cooperative security" which I think are the collective embodiments of modem transformation and the restructuring of China's traditional strategic culture. Thirdly, I examine how to construct a mechanism of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region to guarantee China's peaceful rise on both political and economic levels. Economic cooperation and free trade in Asia-Pacific region is an important route to regional economic integrity which will guarantee China's role in maintaining the political and economic security in the region.  相似文献   

3.
The next 5-10 years will be a pivotal period in which China will implement its " 11 th Five-Year Plan" and accelerate its construction of " a moderately prosperous society." It will also be an important period for Russia's resurgence. Sino-Russian relations are therefore facing new challenges and will be steadily developing. Under these new circumstances, clearly defining China's national interests in Sino-Russian relations will be an important prerequisite of ensuring the healthy and stable development of bilateral relations and of safeguarding China's peace and security. For the foreseeable future, China's national interests in Sino- Russian relations will be the further consolidation of mutual trust between the two countries and increasing Sino-Russian security cooperation so as to maintain peace and security in China 's northern border areas. As the two countries are both in a phase of social transformation, they can nevertheless learn from each other throughout this process. China will continue promoting diversity of cultures and the multi-polarization of world. China should also exploit Sino-Russian economic cooperation and try to frame a joint strategy with Russia in order to achieve common development and prosperity. Consequently, the two countries will be able to march forward side by side along the path of economic reforms and structural adjustment." In the 21st Century, China and Russia not only need to maintain a good neighbor relationship and guarantee their joint security, but also build a closer cooperation in their common development.  相似文献   

4.
Although China began to engage in military cooperation with Africa quite soon after the founding of the People's Republic in 1949, there are as yet few articles on Sino-African security cooperation. Now, with a much closer security relationship between China and Africa, there is a need for more study of this issue. This article gives some idea of the evolution of Chinese engagement in African security cooperation and examines new opportunities for, and challenges to, a more active Chinese engagement in Africa in this domain.  相似文献   

5.
The present Sino-Japanese relations have developed smoothly and achieved marked results, but some problems are yet to be, solved. One of them is that, compared with the closer economic ties, political and security relations between the two states are lagging behind, in which security relations in particular have obstructed the deepening of ties between the two nations. As two major powers in East Asia, the ties be-  相似文献   

6.
EU and China are two important world powers, whose common interests far outweigh their disagreements. The intention of the EU-China relationship was to work closely together, but the relationship did not develop as anticipated and the last two years have been particularly turbulent. Three factors may explain this phenomenon. First, the EU is not trusted by other countries as a strategic partner and needs further institutional improvement to strengthen solidarity. Second, EU-China cooperation centers mainly around economic issues and strategic cooperation in security and politics needs to be improved. Third, there are certain other issues which affect EU-China relations. More research needs to be carried out and made public.  相似文献   

7.
The EU has provided a large amount of development assistance to Africa for many decades, but it has not been very effective.Particularly afterthe end of the cold war, many internal conflicts broke out in African countries, which had serious impacts on socio-economic development.This prompted the EU to connect development and security issues, and propose that development assistance to Africa should not merely focus on economic growth, but it should also help with post-conflict reconstruction and conflict prevention.It is only by incorporating security issues into development policy that assistance could be made effective and human rights could be protected.These ideas were made a central part of EU aid to Africa.This article attempts to describe the security-development nexus as it relates to the EU' s aid policy to Africa in the 21 st century;analyse the reasons behind this policy change and point out the shortcomings.From this, the paper also looks at how Africa and the EU are working together under the Agenda 2063 framework.  相似文献   

8.
China's large-scale investment in Kazakh oil and gas resource development ushered in a new era of China-Kazakhstan bilateral trade in the late 1990s. This lifted cooperation between China and the five countries in Central Asia to a new level, opening the China-Central Asia energy channel and bringing the "Silk Road economic belt" into being. Central Asia and China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, areas which are both abundant in renewable energy, should fully utilize their geopolitical advantages as neighbors by means of Xinjiang's rapid growth. Projecting a twin-track mechanism of developing both renewable and non-renewable energy resources is of great significance to both China and Central Asia.  相似文献   

9.
“早期收获计划”对云南省参与GMS农产品贸易的影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Appealed by Asian Bank, Great Mekong River Sub-region was established in 1992 and was basically consist of six parties such as China (Yunnan), Thailand, Vietnam, Lao PDR, Myanmar and Cambodia. Its cooperation fields basically focus on commodity circulation and investment. Wherein, as an effective method to develop the economic growth in sub-region and to relieve poverty, the agricultural trade is of important significance to strengthen the GMS cooperation further. In 2002, the agreement on the frame of integrally economic cooperation between China and ASEAN was signed by both China and ASEAN to ensure "the Early Harvest Plan". However, to what degree of the effect can this program exert on Yunnan province by joining in regional economic cooperation is the research purpose in this paper.  相似文献   

10.
What the current world is most concerned about is the situation of security.Without security,it is not to mention economic construction,nor peaceful development,nor people living and working in peace and contentment.Allcountries in the world are no exception in this regard.This article will deal briefly with the questions of whether the cur-rent world is secure,where the threats to the world security come from and how these threats are coped with.I.The current world is secure on the whole but…  相似文献   

11.
联合国为各国政府参与国际减灾合作提供了一个良好的平台,在协调人道主义救灾援助、转让减灾技术、促进国际交流、促进减灾框架与气候框架挂钩等领域开展减灾合作。中国作为联合国常任理事国和负责任的大国,将努力推进由联合国主导的国际减灾合作,进一步提升中国的防灾减灾能力和国际影响。  相似文献   

12.
As China expands its official development assistance (ODA) in Southeast Asia,is Chinese aid beginning to emulate international norms and practices or instead establishing its own distinct approach to development assistance? This essay argues that China’s socialization into international norms varies with the thickness of the institutional environment. In Cambodia and Laos,China’s aid program shows signs of alignment with international aid practices. At the regional level,however,China is beginning to act more like a norm-maker. Through expanding its financial support for select regional initiatives,Beijing is bolstering its ability to shape the norms and practices of regional developmental institutions. China’s rising ODA in Southeast Asia poses a potential challenge to Australia’s influence in the region,but also provides opportunities for greater diplomatic engagement and cooperation in support of regional development.  相似文献   

13.
中国与东盟刑事司法协助浅析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来,东盟不断加强政治与安全合作,包括非传统安全领域的合作,极大提高了东南亚地区的国际地位。中国作为东盟的近邻,双方在文化、历史、地理、民族和经济贸易等方面有着千丝万缕的联系。随着东盟一体化程度日益加深以及中国-东盟自由贸易区的建立,中国与东盟在政治、经济、文化等方面的合作也日益增多,相关的刑事法律问题包括刑事犯罪活动也日益凸显,反映在司法层面上的合作要求也日益加剧,使刑事司法协助成为经济发展与地区稳定的现实需要。  相似文献   

14.
Over the postwar period, states have shifted from cooperation in support of monetary guidelines, or standards for variation in wages, prices, and exchange rates, to the use of austerity as the primary means of maintaining monetary stability. In this article I offer a constructivist theory of international monetary relations in order to explain this shift, contrasting the effects of Keynesian and Neoclassical understandings on interests in cooperation. I argue that postwar Keynesian understandings, which cast monetary power as based in the authority to stabilize expectations, led states to perceive common interests in maintaining decentralized-but-legitimate guidelines. I then argue that more recent Neoclassical views, which cast monetary power as a function of capabilities, have justified reduced mutual assistance and greater recourse to austerity. From this vantage point, Neoclassical understandings, rather than any material constraints, impede the cooperation necessary to reconcile the impossible trinity of capital mobility, full employment, and monetary stability.  相似文献   

15.
面临着冷战后国际形势的变革,印度的外交观念、外交方式也发生了相应的调整。印度在制定对外政策时愈加重视软实力的作用,这在对非洲关系中得到了明确体现。印度通过实施经济援助、加强教育文化交流、促进与非洲国家的军事合作以及支持非洲在国际体系中的合法权益等方式极大促进了双边关系发展。非洲在中国对外战略中具有重要地位,我国应积极借鉴印度对非洲软实力外交经验以促进中非关系发展。  相似文献   

16.
Rebuilding and strengthening the essential functions of government is a critical aspect of peace-building and recovery after conflict. There is now a wide literature on the challenges of post-conflict state-building based on the international community's experiences in such places as Kosovo, East Timor, Iraq and Afghanistan. Much of this literature is concerned with the challenges of strengthening administration and service provision—what might be loosely called the policy implementation functions of government. Much less attention has been given to the policy formulation capacities of post-conflict governments. This is surprising given the importance of conflict-sensitive policies for peace-building and for laying the foundations for economic growth and employment. Many post-conflict governments lack capacity for policy development—a gap that is often filled by international technical assistance. In cases where the international community is providing support to a reasonably functioning government after a conflict, this study argues that more attention needs to be given to the government's policy-making capacity. Using the experience of post-conflict Aceh as a prism, the study argues that technical advice can be too easily wasted unless there is concomitant support for developing the institutional infrastructure needed to manage advice and to prepare options for political deliberation and choice.  相似文献   

17.
冷战结束以来,国际性犯罪形势愈加严重,并呈现组织化、职业化和国际化的趋势,靠一国之力难以解决,加强国际警务合作,控制和预防各种犯罪就成为国际社会的共同需要。中国和东盟也面临毒品走私、非法移民、洗黑钱、恐怖主义活动等跨国犯罪的严峻挑战,中国与东盟在打击这些犯罪活动方面开展了有效的警务合作,但中国与东盟警务合作也面临主权、域外势力干涉、合作形式单一等诸多问题。本文主要以软实力为视角,就如何克服障碍,加强中国与东盟警务合作提出了相关思考。  相似文献   

18.
南海地区安全:打击海盗与反恐合作   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
南海地区不仅具有重要的战略地位,而且是世界上最繁忙的国际航道之一,其安全正面临着海盗与恐怖分子的威胁。随着国际海事局有关海盗定义的修订,要维护南海地区的安全仅依靠南海周边国家的力量是不够的,特别是马六甲海峡。因此,海峡沿岸国要求海峡使用国共同分摊维护安全的经费负担,并提供有关培训、设备和信息情报等援助。这种情况说明,维护南海地区安全必须由南海周边国家及南海航道使用国共同合作,只有通过密切的国际合作,才能有效地打击海盗与恐怖主义活动,真正地维护南海地区的安全。  相似文献   

19.
杨雷 《东北亚论坛》2021,30(1):115-126
中俄所提出的两大倡议分别代表了各自在国际制度竞争有所加剧背景下的本国利益需求。二者都以拓宽欧亚经济合作渠道为首要目标,但是它们在原则、方向、手段等方面的差异是相互关系的不利因素。为了协调国际规则的制定,中俄确定对接两大倡议。一方面,中俄两国希望通过制度合作制衡美国霸权;另一方面,中俄在欧亚地区的一致性和冲突性并存,双方需要一个协调关系的制度框架。中俄两国既有以制度合作在国际体系层面应对美国压力的意图,也希望在地区范围内协调彼此关系。两大倡议的对接将增强国际社会新兴力量在国际制度体系构建和全球治理中的影响力,同时也能化解中俄双方潜在的矛盾,推动欧亚区域合作的进程。  相似文献   

20.
日本对华援助是在中国放弃日本战争赔款和国际形势发生重大变化、要促进中日两国和平友好相处的背景下产生的,20多年来,日本对华“援助”在中国大地的改革开放过程中,谱写了中日友好的新篇章。但是,近年来,由于国际形势和中日两国国内情况的变化,中日关系在逐步倒退。日本开始改变初衷,即对华援助从过去的以经济利益为目的转向以政治利益为目的。日本对华ODA政策作了大幅调整,“援助”金额逐渐减少,而且,日本政要多次表示对华经援“总有一天要毕业”。日本方面出现了与初衷不同的做法,给两国关系正常化带来了不利的影响。  相似文献   

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