西方国家对巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的指责、原因及巴基斯坦的应对

“9·11”事件以来，反恐战争背景下的美国及其西方盟友对于巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的指责声日益上升：宗教学校沦为恐怖组织、培养恐怖分子、资助恐怖组织以及传播极端主义思想。本文分析西方国家对巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的歪曲与污蔑，探讨其原因和动机并展望巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的前景。     

南亚主要伊斯兰极端组织现状

南亚（包括阿富汗）穆斯林人口约4．2亿，其中巴基斯坦、孟加拉、阿富汗、马尔代夫为穆斯林主体国家，四国穆斯林人口比例均在80％以上。南亚是受伊斯兰极端主义威胁最早、最严重的地区之一：极端组织较多，恐怖事件频发。“9·11”事件后各国都援引相关法律打击取缔极端组织。巴基斯坦取缔了15个伊斯兰极端组织及其变体。孟加拉被印度及西方称为恐怖组织新“天堂”，据称境内的极端组织不少于15个，政府已取缔3个。阿富汗是伊斯兰圣战运动的策源地之一，塔利班时期极端势力达到巅峰，目前还活跃着塔利班、“基地”和伊斯兰党等组织。印度以查谟和克什米尔地区及东北几邦较为集中，政府已公布12个恐怖组织的名单。     

伊斯兰教与巴基斯坦的政治发展

伊斯兰教与巴基斯坦的政治发展杨翠柏巴基斯坦国家的奠基人真纳曾在孟买的一次群众集会上指着《古兰经》说，这就是巴基斯坦的宪法。事实上，巴基斯坦独立运动、巴基斯坦建国及其以后的政治、经济、社会、文化、外交等都与伊斯兰教紧密地联系在一起。伊斯兰教是巴基斯坦的...     

伊斯兰祈祷团再起波澜的原因探析

曾一度淡出人们视线的东南亚恐怖组织伊斯兰祈祷团(AJAI)再度掀起波澜,从2005年至今策划了一系列恐怖案件。为何一个重要首领被逮捕、受到重大打击的恐怖主义组织,在短期内又能死灰复燃?笔者认为根本原因在于其动态的网络系统、一体化的组织结构、丰富的资金来源与广阔的联系渠道。在上述分析的基础上,笔者尝试性地提出应对这一恐怖组织的政策性建议。     

极端恐怖组织“伊斯兰国”对中亚的渗透及影响

中东极端恐怖组织"伊斯兰国"(ISIS)窜起后,迅速成为国际极端主义和恐怖主义的新中心。2015年,该组织在全球范围内连续制造了多起恐怖袭击事件,显示其威胁已由中东地区向全球蔓延。毗邻中东、一直饱受极端主义困扰的中亚地区也成为"伊斯兰国"极端组织渗透与影响的重灾区。原来接受"基地"组织领导和支持的中亚本土及寄身于中亚的极端势力也纷纷投靠"伊斯兰国"极端组织,或与之形成合流,传播和宣扬极端伊斯兰主义,招募人员前往中东参加"圣战",制造或威胁制造恐怖袭击。基于中亚地区自身安全的脆弱特性,"伊斯兰国"极端组织已经对中亚的安全构成多重威胁。     

文化融入策略与恐怖组织的认同

恐怖组织的认同构建过程可分为三个阶段：个体恐怖分子在群体中找到自我、组织内部同一性的构建以及组织一致对外的恐怖主义活动。在整个认同构建过程中，始终贯穿着恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾，具体表现为：第一阶段，潜在恐怖分子在主流文化中认同受挫，转而寻求加入恐怖组织。第二阶段，恐怖组织以自身所处的宗教文化为基础，构建其组织文化，并积极通过各种方式加深组织成员对这一文化的认同，但与此相对，恐怖组织外群体却很难认同其组织文化。第三阶段，恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾持续激化，最终导致恐怖组织采取一致对外的恐怖主义活动。通过“伊斯兰国”作为案例，对上述恐怖组织的认同过程进行分析后发现，“伊斯兰国”的“成功”是与其“成功”的文化融入策略密切相关，而其在阿富汗的受挫，在很大程度上也是由于文化融入策略“失当”所导致的，即“伊斯兰国”在阿富汗不但无力完成与塔利班的竞争，而且无法解决组织面临的跨文化冲突问题。因此，在打击“伊斯兰国”等暴恐极端势力时，关注文化融入策略的影响并有针对性地采取对策，具有重要意义和价值。     

新时期印度尼西亚反恐困境和策略

近十年来,印度尼西亚不断加大警察执法和军事打击本国恐怖主义的力度,一些大的恐怖组织被瓦解,近五年没有出现大规模伤亡的恐怖事件,但是随着中东"伊斯兰国"运动的兴起,在互联网社交媒体的支持下,激进思想、言论和恐怖主义行为有卷土重来之势;印度尼西亚还面临着在押极端分子的大量释放、针对警察复仇恐怖活动的威胁;印度尼西亚政府采取了对非暴力恐怖的极端主义舆论加强管控、进一步加强国际反恐合作、提供政治不满因素的政治解决渠道、加强重点人员监控等综合措施把反恐斗争引向深入。     

中亚主要伊斯兰极端组织现状

伊斯兰极端组织是利用激进原教旨主义派别的政治理念和信仰体系，并做进一步扩大化和绝对化的解释，煽动宗教狂热，欺骗和麻痹追随者，进而达到政治目的的政治组织。从本质上讲伊斯兰极端组织不具有宗教属性，但却是从宗教中蜕变出来的“怪胎”，它与伊斯兰原教旨主义联系紧密，但又不等同于伊斯兰原教旨主义组织。目前，世界上的伊斯兰极端组织主要有三种表现形式：一种是不从事实质性暴力活动，但坚持自己对伊斯兰教义的极端解释，蛊惑信徒推翻现行世俗政权；第二种是以反对民族压迫和某些西方国家侵略、干涉为己任，从事实质性暴力活动；第三种是打着伊斯兰教的旗号，在“圣战”口号的掩护下使用暴力恐怖手段，它们与宗教的关联只是披着宗教的外衣，冠以宗教的名义，藉以掩盖其不可告人的政治目的，因此也有人将之称为“带有宗教色彩的恐怖组织”。本刊自2005年第五期起，将整编国内外官方媒体提及的伊斯兰极端组织的基本情况分中亚、中东、南亚、东南亚、欧美等地区陆续刊出，供读者参考。     

简析20世纪巴基斯坦与伊朗的关系

巴基斯坦和伊朗分别是南亚和西亚地区有着重要影响的国家。从巴基斯坦独立至20世纪结束，巴伊两国保持一种较为紧密的战略合作关系。尽管两国关系发展并非一帆风顺，也存在不少有争议的问题，但是，大部分时段内，共同的战略利益使得巴基斯坦与伊朗都致力于弥合他们之间的分歧，并努力加固联系彼此之间关系的纽带。考察巴基斯坦与伊朗两国关系的历史发展可以看出，保持一种密切的战略合作关系符合这两国的国家利益。     

“伊斯兰国”的兴起与极端主义在中东的扩张

"伊斯兰国"给中东带来的乱局是当前该地区政治伊斯兰主义发展的突出写照,宗教极端主义必然混迹其中。尽管美国和西方国家发起新一轮空中军事打击行动,但囿于自身利益以及有关国家政局动荡,未必能在短期内解决问题,宗教极端主义的蔓延还将延续。未来中东地区的政治变迁大体可从土耳其、伊朗和巴基斯坦过往的政治发展中找寻演变规律。     

A threat to Europe? Middle east ties with the Balkans and their impact upon terrorist activity throughout the region

The internecine warfare in the former Yugoslavia has radicalised many Islamic movements in the region and facilitated close links between local Balkan groups and Middle East states as well as terrorist organisations. This article examines the spread of militant Islamic fundamentalism in the Balkans as well as in Kosovo, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Turkey, and Albania. The scope of linkages between Balkan Islamic movements and Iran pose serious concern for Western governments as a long‐term threat to any stability and democratisation in the Balkan region as it has intensified illegal activity throughout the area and heightened irredentist claims.     

Running the Blockade: Information Technology,Terrorism, and the Transformation of Islamic Mass Culture

Arab media is no longer limited to state-sponsored sources, opening a door of opportunity to the Muslim world. Islamic terrorist groups leverage information technology to form resilient, networked organizations that influence how many Muslims perceive events and U.S. political goals. This article looks at the connection between information technology and cultural transformation in the Middle East. It focuses on how information technology—as the major weapon system in the battle of ideas—has been used effectively by Islamic extremists and less so by the U.S. Important conclusions are drawn regarding the necessity of culturally-attuned uses of information technology.     

Why Germany Won’t Be Dropping Bombs on Syria,Iraq or Mali

Following the Paris terrorist attacks of November 2015, Germany's Angela Merkel promised “to give France every support” in its war against jihadi terrorist groups, affirming that the “the Islamic State must be fought militarily.” After considerable debate, the Bundestag approved the deployment of German forces to the Middle East, Mali, and elsewhere, leading some to claim that Germany has set aside its reservations regarding the utility of force. A closer look at German contributions to UN and NATO missions from the 1990s through 2016 reveals, however, that Germany continues to draw a red line in terms of coercive airpower and direct combat operations. This reluctance stems from its interpretation of the past, demonstrating that constructivist approaches to strategic culture remain valid.     

The Method is the Message: The Current State of Political Communication Research

Formal journalism ethics, as laid out in codes of ethics by journalism associations and the like, is part of a wider debate on media ethics that has been triggered in the Middle East due to the advent of global media in the region. This study compares journalism codes from Europe and the Islamic world in order to revisit the widespread academic assumption of a deep divide between Western and Oriental philosophies of journalism that has played a role in many debates on political communication in the area. The analysis shows that there is a broad intercultural consensus that standards of truth and objectivity should be central values of journalism. Norms protecting the private sphere are, in fact, more pronounced in countries of the Near and Middle East, North Africa, and in the majority of Muslim states in Asia than is generally the case in Europe, although the weighing of privacy protection against the public's right to information is today a component of most journalistic codes of behavior in Islamic countries. Obvious differences between the West and many Islamic countries are to be found in the status accorded to freedom of expression. Although ideas of freedom have entered formal media ethics in the Middle East and the Islamic world, only a minority of documents limit the interference into freedom to cases where other fundamental rights (e.g., privacy) are touched, whereas the majority would have journalists accept political, national, religious, or cultural boundaries to their work. Despite existing differences between Western and Middle Eastern/Islamic journalism ethics and in contrast to the overall neoconservative (Islamist) trends in societal norms, formal journalism ethics has been a sphere of growing universalization throughout the last decades.     

中亚外高形势衍变中的中东因素（英文）

Central Asia and Transcaucasia is one of the world's major Muslim-populated areas and is closely connected to the Middle East. Three major forces from the Middle East are actively seeking influence in the region:Iran,Turkey,and Islamic extremists represented by the Islamic State.     

近代以来中东地区伊斯兰思潮在东南亚的传播方式和影响（19世纪初-20世纪上半叶）

中东地区是伊斯兰世界的中心，东南亚地处伊斯兰世界的边缘。中东地区作为伊斯兰教的中心，一直盛产各种伊斯兰思潮：瓦哈比运动、伊斯兰现代主义、伊斯兰民族主义等，并通过朝觐和留学等方式向东南亚伊斯兰社会传播，激发了东南亚的帕特里运动、伊斯兰现代主义和民族主义运动的兴起和发展。     

Terrorism-Free Zone in East Central Europe? Strategic Environment,Risk Tendencies,and Causes of Limited Terrorist Activities in the Visegrad Group Countries

The aim of this article is to analyse terrorism and the phenomena linked to it in East Central Europe. In comparison with a number of other regions of today's world, this area can currently seem to be a relatively “terrorism-free zone.” Although the number of terrorist attacks committed in this territory is insignificant, this does not mean that the risk of terrorism is entirely negligible in the region. This text explains some historical determinants of the current situation and describes the consequences both of regime change in the countries in question and of their foreign policy decisions after 1989. I also analyse the importance of East Central Europe as a logistical space for international terrorism (weapons procurement, stays of terrorists, etc.). I characterise the threats of Islamic and Middle Eastern terrorism in connection with the pro-American and pro-Israeli policies of East Central European countries, especially after 9/11, assess the risks posed by the domestic extremist scenes in those countries that have a relationship with terrorism, and take notice of the accusations of terrorism that have been voiced in international politics. On the basis of this data, I then provide an overview of the importance of East Central Europe for the contemporary study of terrorism.     

中东剧变与阿拉伯世界的未来

当前中东正经历的历史性剧变,不仅引发阿拉伯世界的集体大动荡,而且严重冲击地区政治、安全和地缘政治关系,也对大国的中东政策构成重大挑战。未来中东局势改革已势在必行;伊斯兰政治力量将增大,阿拉伯世界长期陷入内乱,伊朗、土耳其将谋求发挥更大地区影响力;美国全球战略与中东政策面临多重结构性挑战;欧盟在外交、能源、安全、移民等方面遭遇前所未有的压力;国际原油市场受冲击从而影响全球经济复苏。     

俄中能源合作的有利因素与不利因素分析

我国石油消费量的50％需要中东供应，但中东地区安全形势并不乐观，时刻威胁着我国的能源安全。对于要摆脱对中东石油的绝对依赖、实现石油来源多样化的中国来说，俄罗斯丰富的能源资源以及稳定的供应能力，颇具吸引力，我国加强同俄罗斯的能源合作既存在有利因素，也存在不利因素。     

Islamic terrorist activities in turkey in the 1990s

This article focuses on Islamic terrorism in the framework of overall Islamic activity in Turkey. It argues that Islamic terrorist organizations active in Turkey during the 1990s strived to establish an Islamic shari ’a‐based state on the Iranian example, profited from deeper social and political trends in Turkish society and, at the same time, strengthened those trends by their violence. These groups enjoyed wide Iranian support and often acted on behalf of Iranian local and regional, political and strategic interests. The reaction of Turkish authorities in the past to Islamic terrorist activity was limited, and thus encouraged leaders of these groups and their sponsors to continue escalating violence, hoping it would bring down the secular democratic regime in Turkey.