日本退出国际联盟的“法理”思辨

1933年日本退出国际联盟,原因概在于西方列强于伪满洲国的承认问题上投了反对票。日本的这一举动,无疑是对国际组织的强有力冲击。简言之,在日本侵略野心急剧膨胀的时段,国际联盟约束力的缺失与公法强制力的丧失,使得日本巧妙利用公法为一己之私服务,给今天的学界留下了耐人寻味的思考。     

伪满时期日本对东北水电资源的开发与攫取

伪满洲国成立之初,电力产业呈现出以火力发电为主、水力发电为辅,即＂火主水从＂的实态。以1936年12月28日伪满洲国成立水力电气建设局及水利电气建设委员会为标志,转向了＂水主火从＂。先后建设了鸭绿江水丰水电站、牡丹江镜泊湖水电站、浑江桓仁水电站和第二松花江上的丰满水电站。至1945年8月15日日本投降为止,已建成的水电机组装机容量约为61.6万kW。日本在掠夺这些水电资源的同时,也为军工等产业提供了动力基础。     

评所谓中国版“门罗主义”

随着近些年来中国在东南亚地区影响力的日益增加和南中国海主权争端的突显,中国正在该地区实施或谋求实施"亚洲版"、"中国版"门罗主义的观点不断浮出水面。这是一种并不符合事实情况的误判。无论是从"门罗主义"的内涵来看,还是从中国的东南亚政策以及当今亚洲和世界的发展形势来看,所谓中国的"门罗主义"都是一种悖论。这种声音的出现,不过是"中国威胁论"的又一演绎。     

伪满洲国“地方自治”的虚伪性——以特别市与市制为中心的考察

为了标榜殖民统治的正当性,日本侵略者刻意鼓吹在伪满洲国实行所谓的"地方自治"。在实行的特别市和市制中,设置了"自治委员会"和"咨议会"等议决和咨询机关,为其蒙上了一层"进步"的色彩。然而当我们深入对其进行考察后发现,伪满洲国所设计的"地方自治"充满了虚伪性,它无法掩盖日本侵略者对伪满洲国统治的侵略本质。     

日元扩张与伪满货币制度的建立

本文在介绍了日元在台湾和朝鲜的扩张之后,将19世纪末至20世纪初日元在中国东北地区的渗透与扩张过程进行梳理。指出伪满洲国的货币制度是继台湾和朝鲜半岛后,日本在海外建立的又一殖民地货币体系。伪满洲国货币制度的建立为日本侵略者对我国东北地区的经济侵略和殖民统治疏通了道路。     

罗马教廷、东北天主教会与伪满洲国

罗马教廷在对待伪满洲国的问题上采取了两手策略,一方面极力在外交和法理层面上回避与伪满洲国之间的关系问题,另一方面又在事实上承认了伪满洲国的存在。吉林教区主教高德惠作为罗马教廷的实际代表与伪满当局合作,协助当局推行殖民主义政策,其在本质上已经成为日本殖民主义者的帮凶。     

“满洲”电业株式会社始末

本文介绍了满洲电业株式会社的发展历程、代表性发输配电设施、伪满洲国覆灭时的状况。纵观"满电"的发展史可以发现,这既是高度垄断的电力生产、管理机构,也是伪满洲国傀儡政权的重要经济支柱和日本帝国主义侵略、掠夺中国东北的重要工具。     

伪满洲国的电力产业政策

本文从垂直一体化的发电、输配电、售电三个环节对伪满洲国的电力产业政策进行了梳理、分析,揭示出了伪满洲国电力产业政策的畸形性及掠夺性。伪满洲国是日本帝国主义对中国东北进行殖民侵略,制造的傀儡国家,而决非"独立国家"。就其国民经济而言,亦是作为日本宗主国经济的附属物而存在的殖民地经济,并非是独立的形态。伪满洲国的电力产业政策同其他经济政策一样,是日本法西斯战时统制经济政策的一部分。如果说有什么不同,那也只是由于电力产业具有国民经济基础的特性,使得电力产业政策居于伪满洲国统制经济政策的核心地位。     

西田哲学中的“东亚共荣圈”原理——兼与军部的“大东亚共荣圈”理论比较

太平洋战争爆发后,西田几多郎提出了面向世界的历史课题,即＂世界性的世界形成主义＂。西田的世界观是以东亚为视角、以日本为中心的世界观,其目的是将＂八纮为宇＂的＂皇道精神＂发挥于世界。在日本政府已经确立＂大东亚共荣圈＂的亚洲战略之后,西田提出＂东亚共荣圈＂理念,试图从哲学的世界观、文化观角度解读并深化日本政府的＂大东亚共荣圈＂理论。西田的＂东亚共荣圈＂中包含浓厚的日本历史特殊性和日本民族优越论的倾向,与军部法西斯的＂大东亚共荣圈＂殊途同归。     

伪满的商租权整理

1915年《中日民四条约》签订后,日本依据商租权条款在中国东北投资设厂,结果遭到历届中国政府与人民的强烈抵抗。为维护"满蒙利益",日本最终全面入侵中国东北,扶植伪满洲国。1932年以后,为彻底解决在中国东北的土地权益问题,日本开始整理"商租权"。在此过程中,日本人的土地掠夺被披上了合法的外衣。半数以上的商租权转化为伪满洲国《民法》上的所有权。本文分析了商租权整理的条约依据、国内法依据以及进行的程序,揭露了商租权整理的殖民主义实质。     

Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of the Roosevelt Corollary

There is a broad consensus about the ways in which public opinion and domestic politics influenced American foreign policy during Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency. Historians generally concur that the American public was ignorant about and uninterested in international politics. They also agree that the president’s perception of public sentiment and his reading of the political landscape played essentially negative roles; that is, they were constraints at the point of implementation, rather than factors that shaped the substance of his policy, and were unquestionably a hindrance. Taking a fresh look at the origins of the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine raises questions about this interpretation. Roosevelt believed that Americans were passionately opposed to the blockade of Venezuela by European Powers in late 1902 and early 1903 and viewed it as a threat to the Monroe Doctrine. This perception and Roosevelt’s 1904 presidential campaign therefore significantly affected the timing and content of the Roosevelt Corollary.     

Introduction: Appeasement: Rethinking the Policy and the Policy-Makers

The “Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine of 1904/05” constitutes a landmark in United States foreign policy. However, the 1902/03 Venezuela Crisis—in particular, the arbitration process between the South American country and Germany, Great Britain, and Italy that settled the crisis—led to President Theodore Roosevelt's decision to amend the Monroe Doctrine. The arbitrational award was an important impetus for the corollary because its decision appeared to encourage future European interventions in the western hemisphere. The Roosevelt Corollary was needed to prevent a situation similar to the 1902/03 Venezuela Crisis from occurring again. Strategically speaking, Roosevelt felt the corollary was necessary to uphold the Monroe Doctrine under new circumstances.     

满铁的情报机构与伪满洲国的建立

满铁情报机构的努力,在伪满洲国成立过程中发挥了重要作用。调查课与关东军合作,具体策划了伪满洲国的成立;经调会替伪满政权立案,进行政策起草和项目调查;满铁弘报系、放映班、右翼社团组织则为伪满洲国建立进行舆论造势。     

The “Japan Card” in the United States Rapprochement with China, 1969–1972

United States rapprochement with China should be re-examined by taking into consideration the American negotiating approach towards Beijing regarding the role of Japan, the United States' major Asian ally and China's long-term rival in East Asia. Whilst announcing the Nixon Doctrine, which increased pressure on Japan to strengthen its defense and regional responsibilities, Nixon and Kissinger used the so-called “Japan Card,” Japan's possible military resurgence and China's long-term fear of it, as a tacit negotiating tool to justify to Chinese leaders the continued United States military presence in East Asia. This article examines the impact of the United States rapprochement with China on the American negotiating process with Chinese leaders for the continuation of the United States–Japan Security Treaty and to what extent it changed China's policy toward American relations with Japan.     

西属美洲殖民地的独立与"两个半球"理论的形成

美国政治家提出两个半球理论有深刻的历史根源。该理论折射出了美国与欧洲在政治制度上二元对立的观念,同时也体现出了与欧洲道不同不相为谋的意识形态取向。随着西属美洲殖民地的独立,美国政治家开始从不同的角度表述了美洲联合的思想,最终在门罗宣言中以国家文件形式全面阐述了两个半球理论。这种理论实质上只是美国单方面的一种设想,它试图把整个美洲集体孤立于欧洲之外,使之成为美国独自控制的势力范围。     

美国“新门罗主义”拉美政策及面临的挑战

自特朗普政府上任以来,美国对拉美政策奉行“新门罗主义”,加大了对拉美国家的干预,反映在经济、政治和安全等领域,如鼓噪“美国优先”,大打“贸易牌”“移民牌”,使前任奥巴马政府与古巴关系正常化的努力出现全面倒退,甚至拒绝承认委内瑞拉民选总统马杜罗而另行“任命”一个代理总统瓜伊多等。当今世界处于百年未有之大变局,拉美政治、经济格局也经历着深刻变化。中国、俄罗斯等在拉美的影响力不断增强。“一带一路”倡议在拉美落地生根,深化了中拉政治、经济互信;俄罗斯强硬支持委内瑞拉加剧了美俄博弈,导致美国“后院失火”的可能性增大,迫使特朗普深度调整美国对拉美政策。这一政策调整对美国究竟意味着全球战略扩张还是战略收缩,值得探讨。特朗普的拉美政策不仅会影响美拉关系及美拉双方的发展,也将影响中拉关系的发展。本文尝试对美国“新门罗主义”拉美政策的现状、原因和影响进行分析,并考察其面临的挑战。     

After One Hundred Years of Service: Hegemony,Pan-Americanism,and the Monroe Doctrine Centennial Anniversary, 1923

ABSTRACT

In 1923, the United States celebrated the centennial anniversary of the Monroe Doctrine. Overlooked by historians, the centennial served as more than an isolated moment of memorialisation; this analysis investigates the ways in which it shaped and reflected domestic perceptions of the place of the United States in the world during the early 1920s. The various celebratory events that took place across the nation re-enforced the discordant nature of United States national security by emphasising and exacerbating the doctrine’s disputed meaning. By providing a forum in which it could be scrutinised, the centennial emphasised the policy’s fractured meaning and demonstrated that both regional hegemony in the Western Hemisphere and Pan-Americanism were perceived as core values of United States national security that emanated from the doctrine’s enunciation in 1823.     

近代日本侵略中朝思想中的民族优越论分析

日本特有的民族优越论是其侵略中朝思想的观念格局中潜在的持久性精神要素。以神国观、"华夷之辨"世界观和社会进化论等为依据而虚构、鼓噪的日本民族优越论实用于日本与亚洲邻国的关系方面,促成日本侵略中朝思想的滋生和延展。以近代化成功为依托而昂扬的日本民族优越论终使其将本民族优越意识置换为"挽救"东亚的救世意识和鼓吹日本充当东亚霸主的舆论工具,发展为民族沙文主义,成为日本对外侵略扩张理论最直接的思想基础。     

A Doctrine of Contingent Sovereignty

Disengagement of U.S. leadership in recent years has not only emboldened the world's worst actors, it has enabled the emergence of non-state groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) to threaten a new and ominous trend in international affairs—the pursuit of sovereign authority by transnational violent-extremists. Amending both the Clausewitzian “remarkable trinity” to explicitly encompass non-state actors in war and the balance-of-power praxis of Talleyrand to one favoring dynamic repair of failed and failing states in diplomacy, the Doctrine of Contingent Sovereignty proposed in this article provides the requisite tools for bolstering legitimacy of weakened states while simultaneously affording the necessary freedom-of-action for the United States to secure its vital national interests. Analogous to the Monroe Doctrine of the nineteenth-century, which put putative expansionist powers on notice, this new doctrine asserts that the privilege of sovereignty remains contingent upon adherence to accepted international norms of behavior.