美国“海德法案”与美印核合作

美印核合作由来已久,特别是上世纪末以来,印度连续进行核试验而成为事实上有核国家以后,美国通过“海德法案”,继而“核供应国集团”有条件批准美国向印度（至今未加入“核不扩散条约”）提供核技术和核燃料,更为美印两国核合作扫清了法律障碍。美印核合作使国际核管制体制原本存在的许多缺陷得到放大,从而更加削弱了国际核管制体制的功能和相关机构的运转能力,使防止核不扩散陷入困局,给世界持久和平带来了“核阴云”。     

战略高科技解禁与印美关系

美国自1998年起对印实施高科技贸易制裁,涉及军民＂双用途＂的高科技项目禁运成为影响印美关系的重大障碍。随着近年来印美战略关系日益升温,印美民用核能合作启动,美国支持印度以特殊身份参与国际防扩散和军控机制,印美双方从各自的战略和经济利益出发,力图通过讨价还价推动高科技出口解禁的进程。奥巴马政府新近宣布对印度国防与民用航天部门解除制裁,表明印美双方围绕该重大问题的利益协调已取得突破性进展,美国多年的对印高科技禁运接近尾声。尽管印美围绕印度战略核发展的矛盾继续存在,但高科技贸易解禁将为印美战略关系提供新的活力。     

试析美国对印军备出口政策的变化

布什政府将印度作为遏制中国崛起、推动全球民主化、反恐和反扩散的战略伙伴,为此在事实上承认印度的核国家地位,向其转让高技术、空间技术、民用核物项和技术及先进军事装备等,以加强印度实力。美国这一对印新政策,将严重冲击国际防扩散机制,且不利于南亚地区的安全与稳定。     

冷战后印美关系中的核问题

冷战后,随着国际核军控形势的发展和美国防扩散力度的加强,印美两国频频在核问题上发生冲突。印度与美国在核问题上的纠葛作为“冷战后印美关系中最大的挑战”①,一直困扰着印美关系的发展与改善。从印美在南亚核问题上的分歧,到美国对印度从俄国购买低温火箭技术对其制裁,再到因印度拒绝签署核不扩散条约（ＮＰＴ）全面核禁试条约（ＣＴＢＴ）造成的双方不快,构成了对印美关系的一次次打击。尤其是去年５月份印度公然冒天下之大不韪进行核试验后,美国率先宣布予以制裁,涉及金额总计达２００多亿美元。同时,美国还宣布停止军事合作…     

美印核合作及其影响

今年3月,美国总统布什在访问印度期间与印度总理辛格就两国民用核能合作的落实问题达成协议.这对美印关系发展具有战略意义,但严重冲击国际核不扩散机制,对世界和平与安全有一定的负面影响.     

美印防务合作新态势评估

印度莫迪政府上台以来,美印防务合作进入"提质增速"阶段,合作的广度和深度都取得重大突破。美印防务合作的驱动力,既有两国战略对接及商业利益的因素,也是两国对华安全疑虑的折射。未来,美印防务合作将受到各自国内外战略走向、第三方因素及地区热点、已有合作项目成败等因素影响,并在客观上对地区安全局势产生消极影响。     

印度外交政策制定：以印美民用核合作协议谈判为例

随着印度的逐渐崛起，其对外战略和外交政策走向日益受到国际社会的关注和重视。本文选取印度与美国关于民用核合作协议谈判以及批准过程为研究案例，探究当今印度外交政策制定的过程，以加深对印度政治制度的理解，进而对当前中国对印政策制定有所启示。     

试论印度围绕《美印核协议》的对美游说外交

2006年以来,围绕《美印核能合作协议》问题,印度对美国白宫、国会和媒体发动了一场游说外交战役。在该战役中,印度政府构建了包括印度外交官、印度裔美国人、企业界和美国社会各界构成的强大游说团队,采取了结盟游说的模式,形成了对美国国会议员的强大压力,该协议先后得到布什总统的签署,并逐渐获得国会的支持。     

印度、美国围绕民用核合作的利益关联

2006年3月,布什总统访问印度,印、美两国政府宣布就印度核设施分离计划达成共识,为去年7月签署的印美民用核合作协议划上了句号。充满讨价还价与妥协的谈判过程集中体现了两国国家利益的异同。从现阶段看,印、美展开民用核合作还存在不少障碍,具体内容有待明朗化,值得进一步追踪观察。但可以肯定,美印在民用核领域达成合作共识,是美国对印度政策的重大转变。无论从任何角度看,现阶段的印美核合作协议都可视为印美两国在战略层面推进合作的重要里程碑,并必将对双边、地区和全球格局的发展产生深刻影响。     

美印战略关系中的阿富汗问题

2014年底美军与北约联军主力将从阿富汗完全撤离,阿富汗未来的安全局势成为相关国家首要关心的问题。美国需要印度就撤军产生的一系列问题进行战略合作,而印度对阿富汗问题有自身的战略考虑。因此,在未来一段时间内,美印两国将围绕撤军后的阿富汗进行一系列战略互动。本文拟探讨美印两国在阿富汗问题上的战略目的与两国的合作前景。     

The U.S.-Indian Nuclear Agreement: Balancing Energy Needs and Nonproliferation Goals

President Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India signed a statement of intent in 2005 to allow India access to civilian nuclear technology, despite its not being a signatory to the Nonproliferation Treaty. This deal would reverse decades of U.S. nonproliferation policy, since India was the source for much of U.S. law on this count. It would require Congress to amend that law to create special exceptions for India. Rationales and critiques of the proposed deal have focused on its impact on the future exercise of U.S. authority on nonproliferation policy worldwide. But the broader impact may be felt internally, since nonproliferation decisions have been inextricably linked to national security imperatives. In acknowledging an economic justification for allowing India access to nuclear energy, the deal has also created a new dependency between U.S. national security policy and the energy profile of emerging powers.     

A Fine Balance: India Walks a Tightrope between Iran and the United States

India confronts the conflicting imperatives of Indian domestic politics and its strategic interests when dealing with Iran. As India's global profile has risen in recent years and its ties with the United States have strengthened, this conflict has come into sharper relief. India's traditionally close ties with Iran have become a major factor influencing how certain sections of U.S. policymakers evaluate a U.S.-India partnership. India has tried to balance carefully its relations with Iran and the United States; however, due to intense American pressure, especially after the signing of the U.S.-India civilian nuclear energy cooperation pact, India has moved closer to the United States concerning the Iranian nuclear program. But strong domestic constraints remain that will prevent India from completely abandoning its ties with Iran, even as a re-evaluation of India-Iran bilateral ties is long overdue.     

南亚核态势新发展初析

1998年印巴核试验改变了南亚地区安全格局,南亚核态势出现新的变化。南亚核态势发展变化的主要动因是南亚地缘政治因素,但同美国的南亚政策密切相关。奥巴马"无核世界"的构想,特别是2010年不扩散核武器审议大会,各方在核裁军、核不扩散、和平利用核能等重大问题上共识增加,使印巴这样的"体制外"有核国家面临压力。南亚安全形势错综复杂,如何在维护核不扩散体系有效性的同时,推动印巴两国不断改善关系,走出安全困境,考验着国际社会特别是印巴两国的智慧。     

六十年的历程：北约核战略之演变

北约成立60年来，其核战略的制定与演变始终同北约与美国之间的关系紧紧缠绕在一起。北约核战略与美国核战略之间，既存在相互支持、影响和互动关系，又充斥美国和欧洲盟国之间在安全认识上的矛盾和斗争。美国始终关注“先发制人”的核威慑力，而冷战后欧洲更重视核安全而不是超强的核实力。未来，北约的欧洲核力量将会进一步削减，北约将在核不扩散领域发挥更大的作用。     

六方会谈与美朝博弈分析

朝核问题的核心是美朝关系问题，美朝之间的博弈影响并左右着六方会谈的进程。美国在既定的对朝战略目标下，在国内强硬派和务实派的政策转换中采取不断变化着的对朝策略；热衷朝美直接对话的朝鲜由于其弱势地位，不得不为应对美国变幻不定的政策措施而变换手法。六方会谈的多边性地位及其维护谈判的公正性正在受到美朝双方博弈的挑战。     

Towards a Nuclear Weapon Free World: Indian Perspectives

A Nuclear Weapon Free World has been proposed warmly in recent years.The author discusses the current global situation on this subject and that India has sustained interest in nuclear disarmament and presents what contribution India has made for nuclear disarmament.From India’s ethos,traditions and legacies,the author provides Indian perspectives towards building a Nuclear Weapon Free World.     

The U. S. Policy toward DPRK: Opportunities and Constraints

布什政府上台以来,始终未能阻止朝鲜拥核步伐.朝核试后,美对朝政策有了新的调整,六方会谈得以复会.但美朝双方受各自国家利益和政策目标的限制,在朝鲜半岛无核化问题上的尖锐分歧难以解决,朝核危机仍存在再度升级的可能.     

World Nonproliferation Regime

2006 witnessed an intense struggle between nuclear proliferation and nonproliferation. Iran's nuclear issue and North Korea's nuclear test have cast a deep shadow over the current international nonproliferation regime. The international contest for civil nuclear development became especially fierce as global energy prices went up. Such a situation , to some extent, accelerated the pace of nuclear proliferation. Furthermore, the existing international nonproliferation regime, based upon the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), was affected by loopholes, and the U.S. failed in its ambition to unite other forces to mend fences. The international community needs to come up with a comprehensive and long-term strategy to meet the demand for an effective future nonproliferation regime in a healthy nuclear order.     

Navigating two Asias: how Washington deals with the Indo-Pacific’s rising powers

ABSTRACT

The United States has sought over the last two decades to facilitate India’s rise as a means of balancing against China’s ambitions. Notwithstanding the rich literature that has emerged on Sino-Indian dynamics and the U.S.-India-China triad, there has been remarkably little examination of the ways in which the United States navigates its relationships with these two rising powers. This study poses a simple question: to what extent has the United States’ pursuit of its interests with India meant that it has accepted trade-offs with respect to its interests with China? Drawing on government documents, interviews with current and former U.S. officials, and an array of case studies between 2005 and early 2019, this study argues first that the U.S. bureaucracy has long been structured in such a way as to heavily compartment policy decision-making related to South Asia and East Asia, respectively, and to produce a pronounced but largely explicable structural bias toward East Asia; second, that relatively few policy matters have arisen since 2005 that have forced the United States to consider meaningful trade-offs between its India and China equities; and third, that new challenges may arise for Washington as its deals with an increasingly inter-connected Indo-Pacific region, and manages the bureaucratic and policy implications of its renewed emphasis on great power competition.     

The Iran Nuclear Issue in Sino-U.S. Relations

The Iran nuclear issue has become the "third factor" in Sino-U.S. relations. Problems began when the U.S. imposed sanctions against Chinese companies, and this became a major issue affecting Sino-U.S. relationship.China and the U.S. have different agendas in dealing the Iran nuclear issue. However, they also share some common ground. Different scenarios regarding the Iran nuclear issue affect Sino- U.S. relations in different ways.