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81.
应急管理能力是应急管理主体为履行应急管理职能、实现应急管理使命而应具备的知识、资源和技能的总和,包括在国家、应急管理部门和应急管理职业人三个层次上的45种能力。在国家层面上,应急管理能力可视为在重大危机状态下的国家治理能力,包括13项关键指征。在应急管理部门层面上,需要发展的核心能力有20种,分布在日常的风险治理、应急准备和突发事件发生后的应急响应多个阶段。应急管理人应当掌握三类知识体系、三类科学素养和六类领导能力。在推进应急管理体系和能力现代化的过程中,我国需要在多个层次上提升应急管理能力。  相似文献   
82.
Abstract

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict.  相似文献   
83.
长期以来,对公共行政的理解是一种从政府角度的理解,其主旨是以官僚为中心,二分法和三个途径说是这一理解的代表性观点。随着新公共管理和治理的出现,这种传统的理解已经不足以对公共行政进行全面而准确的解释。公共行政生态的变化需要一种新的理解,即超越政府,从政府与社会组织共治的角度去加以理解,以期对公共行政有一种更全面的解释,并从中发现一些带有规律性的东西。  相似文献   
84.
近年来我国农村生态环境治理取得了很大的成就,从陕西省的治理实践来看,我国农村仍存在生活污染、种植业污染、养殖业污染、工业污染等问题;从总体看,当前农村生态环境治理进展不平衡、长效机制不健全、推进速度有待提升、农民生态环境治理的参与度不高。导致上述问题的主要原因是农村生态环境治理中的政府职能不足,农民环保意识不强、生产生活习惯改进难,资金投入不足,环境管理体系不健全,宣传力度不够。根据陕西农村生态环境治理的现状,推动农村生态环境治理机制创新,构建党委领导、政府主导、社会协同、公众参与的协同治理机制,是实现农村生态环境善治的有效途径。  相似文献   
85.
EU issue voting in European Parliament elections has been shown to be highly conditional upon levels of EU politicization. The present study analyzes this conditionality over time, hypothesizing that the effect of EU attitudes on EP vote preferences is catalyzed as EP elections draw closer. In contrast to extant cross-sectional post-election studies, we use a four-wave panel study covering the six months leading up to the Dutch EP elections of 2014, differentiating between party groups (pro, anti, mixed) and five EU attitude dimensions. We find that EU issue voting occurs for both anti- and pro-EU parties, but only increases for the latter. For mixed parties we find no effect of EU attitudes, yet their support base shifts in the anti-EU direction as the elections draw closer. The overarching image, however, is one of surprising stability: EU attitudes form a consistent part of EP voting motivations even outside EP election times.  相似文献   
86.
ABSTRACT

The prevention and mitigation of sexual and gender-based violence in (post-) conflict societies has become an important humanitarian activity. This introductory article examines the analytical discourses on these interventions, the institutionalization of SGBV expertise in international politics, and the emancipatory potential of anti-SGBV practices. It argues that the confluence of feminist professional activism and militarized humanitarian interventionism produced specific international activities against SGBV. As part of the institutionalization of gender themes in international politics, feminist emancipatory claims have been taken up by humanitarian organizations. The normal operating state of the humanitarian machine, however, undercuts its potential contribution to social transformation towards larger gender equality in (post-) conflict societies.  相似文献   
87.
随着社会变革的加速,乡土社会步入了高风险阶段。面对自然或人为引起的乡村重大事件,作为掌舵人的农村基层干部,其应对成效如何、受制于哪些因素,相关问题需要做深入探讨。实证研究表明,在处置乡村重大事件过程中,基层干部个人的价值取向、能力禀赋乃至个性特征直接影响着应对成效;同时,乡土环境、制度环境对基层干部的应对成效也有着较大影响。  相似文献   
88.
在我国社区治理不断深化的背景下,社区多元治理主体在参与治理过程中面临着"碎片化"困境,主要表现为治理主体的"碎片化"和治理过程的"碎片化"。治理主体"碎片化"分化为内部"碎片化"和外部"碎片化",治理过程"碎片化"表现为整体过程"碎片化"和具体过程"碎片化"。导致社区治理"碎片化"的根本原因在于多元治理主体的错位及协动不足。在未来的社区治理中,可以参考日本的社区协动治理机制,明确社区多元治理主体的角色定位,完善社区多元治理主体协动治理机制,以营造共建共治共享的良好氛围。  相似文献   
89.
《政策研究评论》2018,35(2):280-301
Prior research on policy conflicts indicates a tendency among policy actors to misperceive the influence of actors engaged in policy debates based on the degree of distance between their relative policy positions. This research develops a measure for assessing the degree and direction of the misperception effect. This measure is then utilized as a dependent variable to assess the relationship between theoretically relevant factors and the degree to which actors will exaggerate the influence of their opponents and allies. The research uses original survey data of policy actors engaged in the debate over hydraulic fracturing in New York. The results indicate misperceptions of relative influence are prevalent and most associated with the experience of a policy loss and holding relatively extreme policy beliefs. The findings provide new insight into factors that influence the demonization of political opponents. These insights are timely in the context of polarized debates over environmental and energy policy in the United States.  相似文献   
90.
Abstract

The liberal international order, the inseparable mix of US geopolitical power and ideational project of organising international relations along normative frameworks such as internationalism, institutionalism and democracy, is reeling under the pressure of profound systemic changes such as greater interconnectedness and multipolarity. Predictions abound that increasing great power competition, most visibly at play in geographical areas of contested orders, will eventually tear it down. However, even if major actors – the US included – display a selective, irregular and often instrumental commitment to the liberal order, they are still repositioning themselves in that order and not outside of it. In addition, conflict is not the default outcome of order contestation, as hybrid forms of governance are possible even in troubled regions. No doubt, the world of tomorrow will be less American-shaped and less liberal, but transformation is a more plausible future than collapse for the liberal order.  相似文献   
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