欧盟温室气体排放贸易机制及其对中国的启示

利用市场机制减少温室气体排放是《京都议定书》的一个有益创举。欧盟履行《京都议定书》目标的最主要战略之一是建立欧盟温室气体排放贸易机制(EUETS),一方面控制履行京都承诺的成本,另一方面为在2008年全球碳排放贸易开始前积累经验。本文分析了欧盟温室气体排放贸易机制建立的背景,介绍了该机制的主要内容,评价了欧盟各成员国的国家分配计划和气候战略,探讨了欧盟温室气体排放贸易机制对中国参与全球碳交易市场的影响以及对国内二氧化硫排放贸易的借鉴意义。     

欧盟航空排放交易体系的WTO法解读

欧盟通过2008/101/EC号指令建立的航空排放交易体系在国际社会引起了广泛争议。该指令因违反一系列GATT及GATS与最惠国待遇和国民待遇相关的规则,实际上属于WTO规则所定义的贸易限制措施。借助WTO争端解决机制处理该问题是一种可行的方式,但我国需谨慎为之。努力建立我国自身的航空排放交易体系,并与欧盟相互豁免,同时提高我国航空业的节能减排能力,是应积极采取的应对该问题的国内措施。     

欧盟排放交易机制的影响分析:国外研究综述

欧盟排放交易机制是全球第一个跨国温室气体排放交易机制,它的建立不仅为欧盟各国实现《京都议定书》的碳减排任务提供帮助,也对欧盟相关行业企业的竞争力、电力价格、技术创新投资和全球碳市场等产生影响,这些都引起了国外学者的广泛关注.本文对国外学者在这一领域的研究进行系统梳理,并对这些研究成果做简要评述.     

论“欧盟航空减排指令”与国际法的冲突问题——欧洲法院司法审查的悖论

欧盟最近作出了暂停对进出欧盟机场的第三国国际航班实施“航空减排指令”的决定,一定程度地缓和了此前国际社会和欧盟之间的紧张局势。不过,欧盟仍然以欧洲法院关于“美国航空运输协会案”的裁决为“背书”,坚持其单边措施的合法性,并且不排除未来有继续实施的可能。虽然欧洲法院在“美国航空运输协会案”中曾裁定该指令并未违反国际法,但这一内部裁决并不能改变欧盟单边措施违反国际法的事实。根据欧洲法院的判例法,国际法要成为欧洲法院的司法审查标准需满足严格的限制条件。欧洲法院基于“内向型司法”的倾向,对《芝加哥公约》、《京都议定书》和国际习惯法规则进行了限制性解释,因而使国际法在“美国航空运输协会案”中被边缘化。欧洲法院维护了欧盟法的“自主性”,但损害了欧盟“尊重国际法”的宪法性目标和原则。因此,包括中国在内的国际社会成员在国际法上有充分理由抵制欧盟的单边航空减排措施。与此同时,国际民航组织应争取在年内就全球航空业的温室气体减排问题达成一个公平的解决方案,以避免欧盟重返单边主义。     

欧盟碳排放交易体系的结构缺陷、制度变革及其影响

欧盟碳排放交易体系(EU ETS)经历了第一、二期两个阶段的发展,将在2013年正式进入第三阶段。尽管欧盟在减排和市场建设方面取得了不小的成就,但是前两个阶段发展中所暴露的问题也反映出欧洲碳排放交易体系内在的结构缺陷。为了解决这些设计上的结构缺陷,提升碳排放交易体系未来第三阶段的可信度,欧盟通过修订碳排放交易指令对该体系进行了大幅度的制度变革。新指令的实施必将对欧盟内外产生重要影响。本文将具体阐述和系统分析欧盟碳排放交易体系的结构缺陷、制度变革及其影响,并归纳其对中国建立碳排放交易市场的启示。     

欧盟参与北极治理的合法性研究

近年来,极地治理成为显学,北极治理的重要性愈发突显,一方面是因为北极冰盖加速融化,北极地区的能源开发、航道开通和环境保护等问题成为国际关注的焦点,另一方面是北极地区涉及国际行为体众多,合作与竞争共存。作为域外行为体,欧盟参与北极治理的合法性既需要考虑内部政策制定的合法性层面,又需要考虑国际合法性层面。从内部来看,根据欧盟条约与规则规范,欧盟拥有的权能使其能够制定北极政策,参与北极治理。从外部来看,北极理事会成员国对欧盟的态度较为分化,但普遍承认欧盟在北极治理中的积极角色。同时,欧盟在气候变化、航道、渔业和能源领域推动北极治理合作的深化也为其参与北极事务奠定了国际合法性。     

欧盟共同防务视阈下的“永久结构性合作”机制探究

差异性一体化是当前欧盟发展的一个重要趋势,而"永久结构性合作"作为欧盟在防务领域的差异性一体化措施,从提出、启动到实施一直被视为欧洲一体化趋势的风向标。该合作机制是欧盟内力主导和外力推动相结合的产物,同时也延续了欧盟在实践中不断对规制进行适应性改革的传统;从国家与超国家互动视角观之,则是成员国利益与欧盟共同防务需求之间博弈契合的结果。永久结构性合作是目的亦是手段,既有利于欧盟更有效地应对安全挑战和推动防务一体化,也旨在助力欧盟战略自主,巩固欧盟的国际地位与合法性。作为一项实质性军事合作措施,该合作机制不仅有着雄心勃勃的目标,而且在法律框架、组织实施以及机制运作等方面都具有鲜明的特点。它启动两年多来已取得了一些积极进展,但是离实现其战略目标仍有很大距离。永久结构性合作的实施不会一帆风顺,但其发展潜力与累积效应仍不容忽视。     

欧盟证券交易中的利益冲突规范及其启示

欧盟证券市场一体化向纵深发展的历程,同时也是证券法律规范不断完善、证券投资者受到更优保护的历程。欧盟证券交易领域的核心指令——《金融工具市场指令》（MiFID）,较之其他涵盖利益冲突规范的指令（包括前身《投资服务指令》）,其利益冲突规范协调程度最高、防范管理要求更加具体。这些规范不仅协调了欧盟成员国证券监管的不同做法,促成了欧盟证券市场一体化的程度加深,而且在更加全面、更加协调的基础上保障了证券投资者的利益。此外,这些规范对于完善我国利益冲突防范和管理制度也具有一定的借鉴意义。     

英国温室气体排放:因素分解与减排路径研究

本文运用对数平均D氏指数(LMDI)分解法对1990年以来影响英国温室气体排放的因素进行研究,分产业考察了英国减排的具体路径。研究结果表明,在20世纪90年代,英国在减排方面主要依靠电力行业私有化、制造业产业升级以及由此引发的用能设备的更新。英国在2003年提出低碳发展战略以后实施的碳排放交易机制和碳税政策也对减排产生了一定的推动作用。综合来看,英国电力行业的减排主要得益于能源消费结构的转变,制造业则更多依靠自身的产业升级,只有服务业受政策直接推动的程度较深。因此,本文认为,没有迹象表明政策因素是推动英国温室气体减排的主要力量,英国温室气体排放量的下降与其所处经济发展的环境与水平相一致,并不单纯是主观人为因素选择的结果。     

欧盟的规制性贸易议程及其对世界贸易组织的实施诉求

近年来,欧盟越来越寻求在世界贸易组织(WTO)框架下就投资、竞争、环境和劳工等领域达成规制性(regulatory)协定。欧盟为什么选择WTO而非其他国际组织来寻求规制性目标以满足这些新需求呢?本文提出两条原因:第一,国际贸易谈判中议题的关联性已由单一的市场准入权互换向市场准入权与规制互换转变。内部民意的多样性以及决策达成共识的需要,使得欧盟特别依赖于这种广泛的议题关联性。第二,WTO的司法化及实施交叉报复的可能性加强了其承诺的可信度,相应提高了该组织在跨政策领域实行关联议题谈判的吸引力。本文将揭示这两条原因如何促进了欧盟将规制性议题提上多哈发展回合议程的努力。     

“规范性力量”遭遇“新大博弈”:欧盟在中亚推进民主的三重困境

作为“规范性力量”的欧盟,一直在中亚地区实施民主推进计划,以扩散西方自由、民主、人权、善治和法治等价值观念。为了评估欧盟在中亚地区推进规范议程的效果,本文构建了一个涵盖欧盟“自我”和中亚地区相关“他者”的分析框架。对于欧盟“自我”,本文着重考察了其规范绩效状况;对于中亚地区的相关“他者”,则着重分析了俄罗斯对欧盟形成的规范竞争,以及中亚国家对欧盟规范议程产生的规范共鸣现象。就欧盟在中亚地区推进自由民主模式产生的规范绩效、规范竞争与规范共鸣而言,其表现均不尽人意,且难以在短期内扭转。面对上述困境,欧盟意识到应着眼于中亚地区更长远的发展态势,以一种潜移默化的方式引导各国通过渐进的方式走上西方式发展道路。2019年6月,欧盟新出台的中亚战略正是反映了这一思路。     

Hostile Receptions: Dilemmas of Democracy, Legitimacy and Supranational Law

The increasing resonance of international humanitarian law in the domestic sphere, primarily through the implementation of treaty obligations in domestic legislation, gives international law a relevance to local communities never before seen. Whilst the effects of this phenomenon defy generalisation in Australia today, it is possible to discern a range of responses from indignation at the overarching reach of international law to the domestic space, to vindication of historical claims of mistreatment at the hands of colonial oppressors. Recent shifts in Commonwealth legislation and policy have sparked debate on whether the federal government has breached its international obligations. Notwithstanding the importance and currency of this question, and irrespective of one's views on it, there is a broader issue raised by the question, which is more amenable to academic investigation. It may be framed in the following terms. How can, and should, the ideal of democratic control of legislation and the legal system generally be reconciled with the development of an autonomous international legal system? The article will approach this question from a comparative perspective, drawing on legal and political developments in the EU and Australia. It seeks to justify a comparative analysis on the basis that Australia (an established federation) and the EU (an emerging federation) are both dealing with issues of reception of supranational law within domestic systems. It concludes that there is a need to reaffirm the legitimacy of supranational law both as an expression of national sovereignty and as an outcome of rational discourse — i.e. it has come into being with right process and is considered binding.     

欧盟应对气候变化的全球治理:对外决策模式与行动动因

气候变化是当今最为重要的全球公共问题。欧盟在全球应对行动中是最具影响力的行为体之一。欧盟的气候决策模式决定了其气候外交行动的方式,并对全球气候行动进程具有重大影响。探讨欧盟气候行动的深层动因,有助于理解欧盟气候政策的机理和对外行动的逻辑。本文将从外交政策的视角研究欧盟的气候决策模式,从动机和外部因素两个方面解读促使欧盟致力于领导国际气候谈判的深层原因。     

Between indifference and hesitation: France and EU enlargement towards the Balkans

Abstract

France’s hesitant stance on EU enlargement towards the Balkans is illustrative of a broader ambivalence among both French elites and citizens towards the European project. Despite principled support for the Balkans’ EU membership, achieving this step is no strategic priority for France. The official approach emphasizes strict conditionality and a rigorous monitoring of reform progress in aspirant countries. A hostile public opinion and superficial media coverage further strengthen the country’s reluctance to admit new, possibly unprepared candidates into the Union. Analysing the historical evolution of the French position on EU enlargement as well as its current political, institutional and societal expressions, this article construes France’s disinvestment from the Balkans’ EU perspective as the result of failed expectations and a growing disillusionment with the EU’s international role and its political future more broadly.     

欧盟参与全球价值链分工的现状及决定因素分析

本文采用Eora全球价值链数据库,测算了欧盟国家1990年至2018年的全球价值链参与度及其地位指数,从欧盟总体、成员国以及欧盟典型贸易国的行业部门三个角度入手,全面讨论了欧盟参与全球价值链的分工特征;在此基础上,考察了欧盟全球价值链参与度及其地位的决定因素。研究结果表明,1990年以来,欧盟总体参与全球价值链的规模和参与度得到提升,德国、法国、意大利等成员国对欧盟参与全球价值链的贡献值最大。此外,制造业是各个成员国参与全球价值链分工的主要方式,但是包括制造业在内的行业在全球价值链中的地位出现了不同程度的下降。从决定因素的实证分析来看,人均国内生产总值、研发投入、基础设施和自然资源禀赋是欧盟参与全球价值链的主要决定因素。     

论欧盟法的性质及其对现代国际法的贡献

包括建立欧盟的国际条约、欧盟自己制定的各项立法以及欧盟各国的相关国内法在内的欧盟法是现代国际法发展的突出表现,这种发展不仅表现在欧盟法扩大了现代国际法的调整范围,还表现在欧盟法在国际法和国内法的转化机制上创设了一种"自动"模式。通过这种自动的转化机制,将欧盟由一个国际组织渐次演变成一个统一的"国家"。欧盟法对现代国际法的贡献必将对国际法发展的历程产生重要影响。     

Multi-level Implementation of International Law: The Role of Vertical Epistemic Communities

Subnational entities in federal states typically retain a degree of sovereignty and enjoy leeway in implementation, raising questions such as whether—and how—international law is actually implemented at the subnational level. This article sheds light on these questions, using two contrasted case studies in Switzerland: The Istanbul Convention on domestic violence and the European Union (EU) Directive 2016/680 on data protection. Based on a document analysis of the law-making process and 44 semi-structured interviews with national and subnational political actors, we observe how international obligations are legally implemented, that is, transposed into legislation at the subnational level. Our results show that: (1) Subnational civil servants play a decisive role, while members of parliament are marginal. (2) Civil servants may constitute Vertical Epistemic Communities (VECs), which are able to “technicize” the issue to ensure swift implementation through administrative venues. (3) VECs are particularly influential as they use intercantonal conferences as institutional platforms to shape implementation processes. Otherwise, implementation becomes politicized, and its success strongly depends on subnational politics.     

The Duty to Assist and Its Disincentives: The Shipping Industry and the Mediterranean Migration Crisis

The role of commercial ships in the Mediterranean migration crisis is little-noticed in the media and by the general public, and largely disregarded in the EU’s political responses to the crisis. Whereas large-scale national and regional actions such as the Italian-administered Mare Nostrum and the EU’s Frontex-administered Triton operations have become part of the vocabulary surrounding the crisis, the rescue of 42,000 migrants by commercial vessels in 2014 – and the implications thereof – is rarely commented upon. More importantly, the commercial shipping industry is rendered invisible in the EU policy responses to the Mediterranean migration crisis, which disregards both the efforts and challenges experienced by the industry. For this reason, this profile zooms in on the migration crisis from the point of view of commercial shipping, and argues that it is of fundamental importance that European policy responses to the crisis tackle the multiple disincentives experienced by the commercial shipping industry towards upholding the duty to render assistance to vessels in distress at sea. The concrete policy actions suggested here answer to the challenges experienced by the commercial shipping industry; aid the industry in its efforts to undertake its legal and moral duty to render assistance; and, in effect, save more lives at sea.     

EMU Political Leadership vs. Greek Civil Society: How Shall We Live Together?

EMU is a political programme at risk: its reform must reconnect with the original Community ethos as well as institutional and policy changes. Historically this ethos manifested itself in public practices of power as action in concert (‘promise’) and generosity (‘gift’), which Arendt, Mauss and Ricoeur’s political thought helps define. The 2012 Fiscal Compact moved away from such practices. Some Greek civil society organizations have demonstrated more genuine commitment to promise and generosity during the Greek fiscal crisis. This is not unique to Greece. EU parliaments and executives must consult with civil society meaningfully to properly integrate EMU within EU law.