蒙古矿产资源开发状况及中蒙资源合作前景

蒙古国矿产资源丰富,特别是近年来蒙古矿业投资环境得到了较大改善,开发潜力巨大。随着蒙古经济复苏、引资力度的进一步加大,蒙古吸引外资的能力正在增强。中蒙在利用中国资金、技术开发蒙古矿产资源方面拥有广阔的合作前景。     

中蒙经贸关系的现状及前景

中国一直重视加强与蒙古的经贸关系.近年来,中蒙经贸关系发展迅速,中国已成为蒙古国的第一大贸易伙伴和第一大投资国,对蒙古的援助也明显增加.中蒙经贸关系的顺利发展主要得益于中蒙良好的政治关系,中蒙经济上的互补性以及中国崛起效应等因素的推动.然而,一些限制因素也在阻碍中蒙经贸合作深入发展.为此,要想推动中蒙经贸合作深入发展,就需要进一步夯实双边合作的基础、加强民间互动、挖掘两国经济潜力、优化投资政策和环境.     

蒙中经济合作及发展前景

蒙古国是个很有发展前途的国家，可以走以开发为主的发展道路，但其开发难度和成本较大。拥有丰富的矿产资源。中国拥有先进的技术、设备、管理经验和丰富的劳动力，投资蒙古矿产资源具有山水相连的地缘优势，尤其是中蒙高层密切交往为推动蒙中两国以资源开发和基础设施建设为重点的互利合作，实现共同发展具有重要意义。     

东北振兴过程中的对外开放:中蒙合作

东北振兴战略的实施为中蒙合作提供了一个新的契机,将进一步推动蒙古国内经济的发展,并为其融入东北亚经济圈起到促进作用。在东北振兴这一历史背景下,东北地区与蒙古在通道建设、矿产资源开发、农业和旅游业等领域具有广阔的合作前景。为进一步推动中蒙合作,建议:实行让利合作政策;鼓励大企业赴蒙古投资;加快铁路通道建设;扩大文化交流与合作;完善各种经济合作平台;加强对蒙古问题的研究。     

中蒙两国加强矿产资源合作开发问题探析

蒙古国是中国实施睦邻、富邻、安邻周边外交的主要对象，矿产资源合作开发是中蒙两国经贸合作关系发展的重要领域。为此，应当进一步认定中蒙两国合作开发矿产资源的有利条件，透视出中蒙双方合作开发矿产资源的不利因素，并且有针对性地提出中蒙两国加大力度合作开发矿产资源的对策创意，以有效推进中蒙两国合作开发矿产资源项目，进而以此为切入点在原有经贸合作的基础上大展宏图，为双方经贸关系得以持续发展注入强劲动力，共同拓展出合作开发矿产资源的光明前景。     

FTA框架下中蒙矿产资源合作模式

中国矿产资源短缺,与矿产资源丰富的国家签署自贸协定是中国利用国外资源的重要举措。蒙古是矿产资源丰裕的国家,中国已连续多年成为蒙古最大的贸易伙伴和投资国,两国具有坚固的建立自贸区的经济基础。中国可以采取以市场换资源、以技术换资源、以资金换资源、以资源换资源等四种模式,获取蒙古稳定的矿产资源供给,实现互利共赢。     

中蒙经贸合作问题的策略思考

近年来中蒙两国经贸合作不断扩大 ,中国已成为蒙古的主要经贸合作伙伴。但是 ,在蒙古对外经贸合作关系中 ,俄罗斯、日本、美国、韩国等国也占有很重要的地位 ,尤其是俄罗斯不能忽视。所以 ,为长期保持和发展中蒙经贸合作的优势地位 ,应坚持把国家民族利益放在首位 ,以平等互利为原则 ,在立足自身优势的前提下 ,着眼于长远 ,多渠道、多层次、多形式地开展经贸活动。     

中蒙经贸合作的现状与发展前景

中蒙两国地理相邻,交通便利,经济互补性较强。近几年来,蒙古经济复苏,中蒙经贸合作发展迅速,中国已成为蒙古第一大贸易伙伴和第一大投资国。但中蒙经贸关系也存在一些问题和摩擦,尤其是经济技术合作规模较小,合作层次较低。如何化解矛盾,加强各行业联系,进一步扩大中蒙经贸合作已经成为双方都十分关注的课题。     

蒙古国产业结构演进研究

蒙古自摆脱休克式转型带来的经济负增长以来,经济逐步复苏,进入快速、稳定增长轨道.在此过程中,其产业结构呈现升级趋势,畜牧国家特征正在消退,服务国家特征逐渐增强.但是,由于受经济转型的影响及国际市场的冲击,蒙古国产业结构的演进异于世界多数国家,呈现特例性、逆工业化、"非自律性"等特征,且产业内部结构不平衡,产业发展的资源环境约束较强.在此次金融危机影响下,蒙古经济快速下滑.因此,在今后的中蒙经济合作中,应在进一步加强中泉交通运输合作的基础上,增强中国对蒙消费产品的出口,促进中国对浆产业转移.同时,中蒙环保合作也应予以关注.     

20世纪下半叶的蒙日关系

20世纪下半叶的蒙日关系经历了正常化与进一步发展两个阶段。为了推进两国关系发展，蒙日均制定了发展相互关系的基本政策：日本积极支持蒙古的民主化改革，建立两国间互惠的经济合作关系，在国际事务中加强合作；蒙古则寻求同日本建立全面伙伴关系。蒙日间的经济关系主要体现在三个方面：日本向蒙古提供政府开发援助、互利贸易和日本对蒙直接投资。伴随着政经关系的发展，蒙日间的文化交流活动也日渐活跃。     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

美苏政治文化差异与冷战起源

一国政治文化对国家对外决策有不可忽视的影响。美苏政治文化中相互冲突的部分对两国战后初期外交决策以及冷战爆发产生重要影响，国家间的政治文化沟通对处理国家间相互关系具有重要意义。     

Strengthen the Communication Among the Youth and Enhance the Mutual Understanding and Trust

AttheinvitationoftheInternationalInitiativesofChangeAssociationofJapanIICAJIaccompa-niedMr.LiYangCouncilMemberofChineseAs-sociationforInternationalUnderstandingCAFIUonthevisittoJapanfromJune10to18andat-tendedthe27thInternationalConferenceoftheInitiativeofChangeinOdawara.DuringourstaythereweseparatelymetwithTutomuHataAdvi-sortotheIICAJandformerPrimeMinisterofJapanSomaYukikaHonoraryPresidentofIICAJToruHashimotoPresidentofIICAJandAdvisortotheJapanMizuhoFinancialGroupandD…     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

抗击经济衰退：象和龙

由美国引发的经济危机已经席卷全球,无论是西方发达国家和地区如日本、欧盟,还是发展中国家如印度、中国,都已笼罩在全球经济衰退的阴影中。本文探讨作为正在崛起的亚洲大国——印度和中国,应采取怎样的措施遏制全球经济危机对本国经济造成更严重的伤害,以及印中两国如何借鉴对方在应对经济危机过程中采取的有效政策以尽快重新走上经济发展的正轨。     

Caught between Europe and the orient: Israel and the EMP

As the case of Transnistria illustrates, the politico-economic arrangements of de facto states are marked by a tendency to sacrifice the economy to political objectives. Despite non-recognition and limited local resources, these entities manage to make use of their ambiguous status and external support to sustain their claims to statehood. Yet, the priority of these claims over economic development, as well as strategies of survival in general can have unintended effects on unrecognised state-building projects, such as the emergence of a spin-off opposition or public disillusionment.     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.