伊拉克战争前后土耳其与美国、欧盟关系的发展变化

土美关系与土欧关系是土耳其对外关系中两根最重要的支柱。伊拉克战争爆发前,建立在双方互利基础上的土美关系发展相对稳定,且是推动以加入欧盟为土耳其现阶段首要目标的土欧关系的重要促进因素。伊拉克战争中土美关系出现隔阂,导致土美关系和土欧关系内在的相互促进关系被打破。战后,土耳其努力修补与美国关系的裂痕,力图在美欧关系调整变化的过程中,通过土美关系与土欧关系的相互促进来加快其加入欧盟的进程。     

从美非峰会展望美非关系发展前景

在美国对非战略日益明晰和国际社会对非洲关注显著增强的背景下,首届美非峰会在美国召开,这标志着美国进一步加强对非关注,并将强化美非关系作为其对外政策的重要组成部分.峰会为双方加强政治、经济、战略合作提供重要平台,双方在峰会中达成一系列重要成果,尤其是经贸合作取得显著进展;但美非双方各自的战略诉求并未得到充分实现,峰会前景仍值得观望.随着非洲在国际事务中的重要性日益提升,美国对非关注度也将显著增加,美非关系必将深入发展.但美非双方在合作领域、方式和理念等方面存在根本差异,且受到双方所处的国际国内政治、经济形势的影响,因而具有一定的不确定性.     

印度对非洲的软实力外交及经验借鉴

面临着冷战后国际形势的变革,印度的外交观念、外交方式也发生了相应的调整。印度在制定对外政策时愈加重视软实力的作用,这在对非洲关系中得到了明确体现。印度通过实施经济援助、加强教育文化交流、促进与非洲国家的军事合作以及支持非洲在国际体系中的合法权益等方式极大促进了双边关系发展。非洲在中国对外战略中具有重要地位,我国应积极借鉴印度对非洲软实力外交经验以促进中非关系发展。     

土耳其对西巴尔干地区政策的新变化

土耳其与西巴尔干地区互为近邻,紧密关联。土耳其长期奉行亲西方的一边倒外交政策,已严重制约土耳其与该地区国家关系的进一步发展,也损害了其国家利益。近年来,土耳其在国际形势和世界格局发生复杂而深刻变动的背景下,为凸显其地跨欧亚地区大国的独特作用,积极推行外交新思维和零问题睦邻外交政策。西巴尔干地区是欧洲多事之区,成为土耳其外交出击的主要方向之一,并且取得了积极的进展。但鉴于西巴尔干地区错综复杂的矛盾和美欧的掣肘,土耳其在该地区只能起到敲边鼓和主要配合美欧战略的作用。     

土耳其加强与非洲合作的动机及前景

土耳其-非洲峰会是继2008年日本、印度、韩国与非洲举行峰会之后，叉一个非洲大陆以外的国家与非洲举行的峰会，是土非有效合作的新起点。土耳其希望通过加强土非关系实现经济的复苏和发展，谋求非洲在其竞选安理会非常任理事国和在库尔德问题上的支持立场，并为自己加入欧盟创造条件。土非峰会发表了主张建立双方长期持久伙伴关系的《伊斯坦布尔宣言》，成功构筑了合作平台，土非合作前景光明。     

美伊战争后土欧关系发展的内在联系分析

美伊战争后,土耳其和欧盟之间的关系有了显著发展,土耳其加入欧盟问题也确定了明确的谈判日程。土欧关系明显改善和美伊战争后的国际局势变化之间,显然存在着某种逻辑上的密切联系。美伊战争后国际环境的改变,使土耳其进一步丧失了原有的地缘战略优势。土美关系的疏离,也迫使土耳其不得不加快融入欧洲的进程。而欧盟则不满于美国在全球反恐战略中一国独大的领导地位和过分采用暴力手段的做法,提出了一种新的多元文化相互协调的安全观念设想。为此,欧盟也急于通过成功接纳和重新塑造土耳其,来证明它提出的建立自由主义多元文化安全观念的合理性。     

浅析土耳其与美国关系的新变化

长期以来,土耳其是美国的重要盟友,但近年来伴随着以叙利亚问题为焦点的中东地缘政治格局的深度调整,土耳其和美国的关系也阶段性地发生了剧烈震荡与调整。美土关系的恶化是叙北库尔德问题凸显、土耳其"7·15"未遂政变冲击、美土间价值观裂痕加剧、土耳其外交政策转型与美国中东政策对冲以及周边地缘政治因素影响的多重结果。但由于北约、投资需求等因素的存在,美土关系并未走向破裂,并在2018年10月后逐步进入了稳健调整的"新常态"。其具体表现为美国对土耳其的矛盾性认知、土耳其对美国日益强烈的离心倾向以及美土间结构性矛盾的阶段性爆发与两国关系的周期性震荡。     

医疗外交与软实力培育——以中国援非医疗队为例

随着全球流行性疾病的增多,医疗外交日益成为国家软实力培育的一个重要途径。医疗外交也是中非关系的传统重要内涵之一,中国援非医疗队的派遣为中非关系的发展、中国在非洲的软实力培育发挥了重要作用。当前,非洲面临的公共卫生挑战日益严峻,但在国际金融危机背景下外部对非医疗援助却在减少,中国对非医疗外交面临新的机遇和挑战。     

从伊拉克战争看土耳其与美国关系

土耳其长期被美国视为中东地区最重要的战略盟国之一。美国要求土耳其允许美军通过其领土开辟伊拉克战争北方战线 ,但由于民众反战、对战争后果的担心等因素 ,土耳其没有答应美国的要求。美国还强烈反对土耳其向伊拉克北部派军队 ,担心土军与伊拉克库尔德人发生冲突。土美关系因伊拉克战争而出现一些裂痕。随着战争后期萨达姆政权的溃败成为大势所趋 ,为了从美国取得援助和能够参加伊拉克战后重建 ,土耳其同意为美军开放领空 ,提供“空中走廊”。美国国务卿鲍威尔访问土耳其 ,提出新的援助承诺并答应土耳其参加伊拉克战后重建 ,土耳其遂同意为美军提供后勤支持 ,土美关系的裂痕得到修补。土美互有所求 ,有 5 0多年历史的土美战略同盟关系不会因一些裂痕和分歧而发生根本改变     

"9·11"后美国与欧盟的非洲政策比较

“9·11”之后,美国与欧盟对非洲有着基本共识,即非洲的失败国家将是美欧利益的重大潜在威胁,对此必须采取积极措施。基于这一共识,美国和欧盟都强化了在非洲的军事存在及对非援助。但美国和欧盟的非洲政策仍有着重大差异。美国的非洲政策直接服务于其全球反恐战略及维持和扩大美国在非的石油利益;欧盟则更强调对非洲问题的长期性解决办法。这体现了美欧在世界观和对国际关系认知等方面的根本差异。深刻了解美国与欧盟的非洲政策之异同,对于中国制定非洲政策及发展中非关系具有一定的启示。     

1988年以来缅甸对外经济关系的发展及其意义

1988年以来缅甸的对外经济关系有了长足的发展，并对缅甸经济以及内政外交产生了重要影响。本文从政治-经济及其互动的角度分析缅甸对外经济关系发展的成效和特点以及对缅甸所具有的意义。文章认为，缅甸的对外经济关系对缅甸军政府的维系至关重要，但由于受到西方国家制裁的严重制约，对缅甸国内经济的支持有限。     

中国的东北亚难题:中日、中韩和中朝关系的战略安全形势

中国和日本都在实行某种总体上对于对方的战略“双轨”方针,一方面谋求在有限程度上改善关系,另一方面继续进行战略对峙和战略预防。中国需要进一步稳定目前的中日关系,继续缓解对抗,防止军事冲突,同时依靠缓解对抗来阻滞日本行进中的解禁集体自卫权进程。美韩两国在韩部署“萨德”反导系统的决定导致中国强烈愤怒,中韩关系随之急剧和显著地恶化。然而,争取和维持韩国对中国的基本或起码友善这个重大利益依然存在,它密切地关系到防止和制止朝鲜半岛成为美国针对中国的战略/军事堡垒,因而中国对韩国要不将任何基本的事情“做绝”,尽可能不主动损伤中韩关系多年发展造就的每一项已有的重大成果。中国在朝鲜和朝鲜半岛问题上有六项很经久的核心利益或重大利害,它们都对中国至关紧要,因而总的来说不能扬此抑彼,更不能舍彼取此。必须估计到,朝鲜问题上对中国总的来说有利的、基本和平地解决问题的时机早已过去,今后该问题的前途对中国来说都严重不祥。因而,从长远出发特别重要的是,对朝决不将任何基本的事情“做绝”,防止或阻止朝鲜持对华持久敌视态度；任何情况下都决不容许美国和美韩同盟在军事上控制朝鲜半岛北部。     

论中苏关系恶化对中国外交的影响

20世纪50年代末至60年代中苏关系的恶化不仅对中国的政治、经济发展产生了重大影响,而且对中国的外交也产生了重大影响。中苏关系恶化,首先导致了中国外交的战略调整;其次使中国外交日趋激进,并于60年代后期发展到极端;再次,促使中国发展与亚、非、拉国家的关系;最后,促使中国领导人下决心改善中美关系,联美反苏。     

Transatlantic trade and monetary relations: The nature and limits of conflict

The furore that greeted news that negotiations were to start on a transatlantic free trade agreement revealed not only the potential importance of any putative deal, but also the tendency of Europeans to view international politics almost uniquely in economic terms. This neglect of security and broader geostrategic issues is short-sighted and dangerous. It is precisely the liberal world order in place since the Second World War that has allowed Europeans to develop their economic potential. Leaving it to the United States to preserve that order is an increasingly problematic strategy, with the US ever more reluctant to police the world in the way it once did. The US has, for many years, asked its partners to contribute more to the preservation of common security interests. Given the failure of these attempts to date, it might be time for Washington to resort to tougher tactics in an attempt to entice Europeans out of their geostrategic retirement.     

第二次世界大战结束前日俄、日苏关系的特点

第二次世界大战前的日俄、日苏关系是影响东亚地区国际关系格局的重要双边关系。在日本明治维新以前日俄关系具有西方殖民列强与亚洲闭关锁国的封建国家之间关系的特点，总体态势是“俄攻日守”。明治维新到十月革命前的日俄关系具有老牌的殖民主义列强与新兴殖民主义列强之间关系的特点，日俄在东亚既有争夺，又有合作，日本逐渐占了上风。十月革命后日苏关系既有社会主义国家和帝国主义国家之间的关系、邻国关系的特点，又有较为浓厚的欧洲国家和亚洲国家之间关系的特点。这时期，两国之间始终未能建立真正的信赖关系，经历了“日攻苏守”到“苏攻日守”的转变过程。     

Presidential hegemony and democratic backsliding in Latin America, 1925–2016

ABSTRACT

Does the executive's institutional hegemony represent a risk to the survival of democracy? By hegemony, we refer to the president's ability to control other institutions, particularly the legislature and judiciary. To answer this question, we develop two indices of presidential hegemony and analyze the duration of democratic regimes in 18 Latin American countries between 1925 and 2016. The results show that executive hegemony is a major driver of democratic instability. This finding is robust to non-linear effects and to potential endogeneity in the relationship between presidential power and democratic backsliding. Our findings challenge traditional concerns about executive-legislative deadlock, and have significant implications for the nascent literature on democratic backsliding, which highlights executive aggrandizement as a risk factor.     

China-Japan Security Relations and China's Countermeasures

Security relations are crucial in China-Japan relations.Since the "nationalization" of the Diaoyu Islands by Japan in 2012,mutual trust between China and Japan has been declining,and bilateral security relations have reached a low point.China-Japan security relations are typified by ongoing dispute over the Diaoyu Islands,lack of mutual trust exacerbated by various actions by Japan,and the delay of China-Japan security dialogues.The evolution of China-Japan security relations derived from the Diaoyu Islands dispute is clearly beyond the scope of the dispute itself,with deep-rooted internal and external factors.In the near future,China-Japan security relations will face more challenges than opportunities.China should take measures,including enhancing mutual trust in politics and security between the two countries,to impose necessary pressure on Japan to change course,to win over neighboring countries so as to avoid pretext for Japan's intervention in regional issues,and to strengthen interpersonal communication and understanding between people of the two countries in order to stabilize security relations.     

Building organisation–public relationships: Towards an understanding of the challenges facing public relations

Abstract

The main aim of this article is to investigate the challenges facing public relations professionals in building organisation–public relationships (OPRs), by means of an overview of related modernistic literature, mainly within a modernistic paradigm. Dominant business developments have historically impacted the broader role of public relations in organisations and society, and it is maintained that the change in the domain of public relations to a relational perspective is yet again a consequence of the efforts by business to survive in the new millennium. There can be no doubt about the strategic importance of relationships to the survival of organisations and to public relations. A relational approach to public relations has major strategic value, and embracing its challenges is vital for the profession. The relational approach offers a two-fold opportunity to public relations professionals, namely to confirm their contribution to achieving organisational goals through the measurement of their relationship-building efforts, and the prospect of realigning themselves with other business functions in the organisation. The main objective of this article is to review the change in the domain of public relations to a relational perspective, and to investigate the current challenges facing public relations professionals in building mutually beneficial OPRs on the basis of the relational perspective of public relations.     

Uncertainties at the European Union's southern borders: actors,policies, and legal frameworks

A multiplicity of legal and political arrangements regulate the European Union's external borders. With borders representing the intersection between national and international law and politics, the EU also acquired some legal competences in this realm. The resulting triple set of rules coincides with the growing disaggregation of the classical functions of borders. This state of affairs generates legal and procedural uncertainties and results in a growing ambiguity and lack of transparency, in terms of competences and accountability. Due to the EU's concerns with transnational terrorism, and the growing securitization of migration, the EU's borders with the states of the Middle East and North Africa are particularly relevant in this regard, with the resulting uncertainties touching upon fundamental rights. This article discusses the conceptual starting point of the growing institutional, legal, and political complexity at the EU's southern borders, together with relevant aspects and developments, thus also providing the background to the different contributions in this special issue.     

Trumponomics and China-US Economic and Trade Relations

Since he took office,the new US president,Donald Trump,has unveiled his broad economic policy-now called Trumponomics.It emphasizes neoliberalism at home,less government regulations,more growth and weakening the welfare state.Internationally,Trumponomics embraces protectionism and nativism with a focus on US economic interests.Trumponomics caters to the lower-middle classes,a reflection of the country's current economic and diplomatic challenges.Trumponomics will bring uncertainty to China-US economic and trade relations.China should carefully study the policies of the Trump administration and prepare contingency plans.