联合国经济制裁中的人权保护问题研究

联合国经济制裁通常以安理会决议的形式出现,安理会决议具有法律效力,各国有义务全面、严格地执行安理会决议。安理会决议应当遵循《联合国宪章》的宗旨及原则,不得与一般国际法强制规律相抵触。当一国出现严重侵犯人权的罪行并怠于履行人权保护义务时,安理会可以代表国际社会对其采取保障人权的必要措施。联合国制裁经历了从"传统制裁"到"聪明制裁"的转变。由于缺少对公正审判权的保护,各国执行"聪明制裁"面临选择困境。针对"聪明制裁"可能引发的人权危机,有必要从制度设计层面入手,明确安理会决议的授权范围,完善"和平之威胁"的判断标准,加强对各国执行安理会决议的监督与审查,保障制裁对象的公正审判权,建立多元化的人权保护救济渠道。在联合国经济制裁中加强人权保护,有利于积极应对国际安全形势变化,有利于促进和平解决国际争端,有利于推动构建人类命运共同体。     

Repositioning the international human rights protection system: the UN Human Rights Council

The creation of a UN human rights mechanism was meant to address systematically the international protection and promotion of human rights within the context of international relations. Over the years, the Human Rights Commission has dealt with human rights issues in ways which some commentators have labelled unsatisfactory. The United Nations High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, set up by Kofi Anna to conduct an in‐depth study on global threats, and provide an analysis of future challenges to peace and security, recommended a review of HR mechanisms. This led to the establishment of the Human Rights Council, replacing the Human Rights Commission. One of the mechanisms introduced was the Universal Periodic Review of Human Rights. This article looks at how the UPR process has progressed so far and makes some assessment as to where it is heading.     

Teaching to shift people’s thinking toward peace: the relevance of Colman McCarthy’s work for peacemaking criminology

Peacemaking criminology is often conceived as a theoretical perspective built upon linkages between religious, feminist, and critical traditions. Equally important in peacemaking criminology is its teaching tradition, which promotes educating people about the values of peace, integration, cooperation, and caring over the values of control, repression, power, and domination. Teaching from a peacemaking perspective has generally involved efforts to design crime‐related courses that feature core concepts, readings, and policies within peacemaking criminology writings. However, such peacemaking teaching and writings have not commonly provided a central focus upon what needs to be taught to shift people’s thinking. This article thereby illustrates the work of peace educator Colman McCarthy, whose teaching experiences in high schools and universities are predicated upon influencing teenagers and young adults to embrace the idea that nothing can matter more than the struggle for and embracing of peace. This article also explores the ways in which Colman McCarthy’s books, I’d Rather Teach Peace and All of One Peace: Essays on Nonviolence, offer a foundation to help people shift their thinking toward a culture of nonviolence and peace.     

Collective Security and the Economic Interventionism of the UN--the need for a coherent and Integrated Approach

The scope of the collective security system established underthe United Nations Charter has expanded significantly sincethe end of the cold war to cover new fields. An increasing linkagebetween maintenance of peace and economic reconstruction haslead the United Nations to play an unprecedented role withinthe economic realm, be it by the widening of the range of measuresadopted by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charterwith economic consequences or through the direct managementof economies in post-conflict situations as part of a globalstrategy to restore peace in war-torn territories. This evolutionhas brought to light the limits of the existing UN collectivesecurity system as a framework to deal with economic issues.It is submitted that the ‘derogatory’ logic underArticle 103 of the Charter and under WTO law through its exceptionclauses is no longer sufficient to review and assess the UNaction in the economic sphere. The promotion and integrationof a broader set of principles and rules of international economiclaw such as principles of fair competition, non-discrimination,or transparency, would help enhance the legitimacy of actionsof the UN Security Council. Moreover, this article argues thattaking into account international economic law would contributeto achieve UN goals in post conflict situations by paving theway for a stable and safe economic environment in a long-termperspective. The recently established Peacebuilding Commissionmay contribute to develop a coherent and integrated legal approachin this area.     

Socialist humanism and the problem of crime

Crime is understood as a problem of human existence. Assumed is the intersubjectivity of social reality, and the need for an interdisciplinary and integrative approach to criminology. Along the way, a consideration of (1) the relativity of things human, (2) the modes of having and being in contemporary society, (3) the interdependence of all things, and (4) the way of peace. The ideas of Erich Fromm are germane to our thinking in the development of a peacemaking criminology.     

Left Out? The coverage of critical perspectives in introductory criminology textbooks, 1990–1999

DeKeseredy and Schwartz have criticized introductory criminology textbooks published in the United States for their ‘poor treatment’ of critical/radical perspectives. This paper subjects this criticism to empirical analysis by studying the coverage of critical perspectives in 34 introductory criminology textbooks published from 1990 to 1999. Specifically, I examine how the coverage of critical perspectives in the textbooks is influenced by: 1) the theoretical orientations of the texts; 2) the positions of the texts on debate over conflict and consensus theories of law; and 3) the positions of the texts on the evidence supporting critical perspectives. This analysis shows that critical/radical perspectives in general, but in particular recent developments in critical criminology (including critical feminism, left realism, peacemaking criminology and postmodern criminology) are often ‘left out’ of contemporary criminology textbooks.     

UN Commission on Human Rights adopts resolutions on access to medication, right to health

In April 2002, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights adopted two resolutions that are important in the context of access to treatment. The Commission is the UN's leading body with respect to international human rights issues. It consists of 53 UN member states and meets annually. The Commission's resolutions can be found on the website of the Office of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights via www.unhchr.ch/ by clicking on "Documents of Charter-based bodies".     

从《残疾人权利公约》反思国际人权机制

2007年3月起开放签字的《残疾人权利公约》是联合国体系在保护人权领域的最新努力。与以往的多数人权条约一样,《残疾人权利公约》列举了具体权利、构划了报告体制,同时通过任择议定书设计建立一套来文制度。这意味着在国际人权法上又添加了一套体制。虽然从权利保护发展本身看,这一公约的出现丰富了联合国体系的人权保护内容,但是从国际法治的理念上看,它是国际法不成体系的特征的继续与延伸,本质上不仅无益于国际法治的完善,而且有可能进一步提高国际法维护人权各个环节的成本。现阶段有必要考虑将包括人权、环境等领域的规范进行编纂,将相应机构进行整合,以推进国际法治的目标。     

EDITORIAL

Abstract

Jane Addams (1860-1935), founder of Hull House in Chicago, was a social worker, sociologist, criminologist, feminist, and pacifist. She dedicated her life to caring for the underprivileged and oppressed and to fighting for the rights of workers, women, and children. This paper examines her life and seeks to demonstrate her many contributions to sociology, criminology, and society. Among her pioneer works in criminology that have not been recognized are the ecological maps of Chicago that preceded Park's and Burgess' concentric zone theory, social justice issues such as child labor, compulsory education, and juvenile offenders. She also was a peace activist during World War I and many of her ideas and concepts are found in the peacemaking writings of current criminologists.     

论联合国经济制裁中的人权保护——兼评联合国对朝鲜的经济制裁

联合国经济制裁是安理会依据《联合国宪章》第41条为维持国际和平与安全采取的一种强制措施.战后安理会实施的经济制裁一方面给受制裁国发出了要求或强迫其遵守国际法的警告,而另一方面,在实施制裁过程中给受制裁国带来人道主义灾难,妨碍而不是促进人权,从而削弱了经济制裁的效力.因此,联合国在经济制裁中也应遵守国际人权法和国际人道主义法.     

维和行动与人权保护——以国际刑法为视角的思考

二战以后建立的联合国及其安理会,为使后世免遭“惨不堪言之战祸”,创设了“维持和平行动”。五十余年来,它在维护世界和平与安全方面发挥了不可替代的作用。然而,维和行动就像一把双刃剑,在维护和平、安全与人权的同时,也存在着侵犯人权的隐患与现实问题。本文以国际刑法为视角对此问题进行了分析,进而提出了强化维和行动中人权保护的几点思考。     

Peacemaking Criminology

This is an overview of the work of criminologists that informs how people build trust, safe and social security in the face of violent social differences. The article begins with a story of how the term “peacemaking” came to “criminology.” A theory of peacemaking emerging from this beginning is then stated, including a review of criminological literature that informs the theory. The theory is grounded in a paradigmatic departure from criminology’s tradition—the study of crime and criminality—to proposing instead of studying what replaces human separation with cooperation and mutual trust. This paradigm implies that stories of dispute handling are its most authoritative data, especially stories people tell about their own relations. It also implies new ways of evaluating the fruits of adopting a peacemaking paradigm for learning and living.     

“一带一路”倡议与中国企业承担人权责任策略探析

在经济全球化浪潮面临挑战和"一带一路"倡议方兴未艾的复杂国际背景下,中国企业面临发展机遇与人权相关风险的双重挑战。国际工商业与人权议程尤其是联合国《工商企业与人权:实施联合国"保护、尊重和补救"框架指导原则》蕴含着丰富的企业人权责任。我国可从政府与企业两个层面采取应对措施。在政府层面,可以制定并执行相关法律与政策;制定工作指引,建立监管体系;制定工商业与人权行动计划。在企业层面,应当把尊重人权原则纳入公司治理;主动发布人权履责报告,加强对话与合作。     

和平利用海洋与海上军事行动

和平利用海洋是1982年《联合国海洋法公约》的主题。《公约》通过限定海洋活动形式、规定海洋争端解决方法以及倡导加强国际合作的方式促进海洋的和平利用。和平利用海洋并不意味着禁止一切海上军事行动,但也确实对海上军事行动构成一定的限制。为实现海洋的和平利用,各国的海上军事行动应符合《联合国宪章》、《公约》和其他国际法规则的规定。此外,加强海上军事互信与安全合作也是解决有关国家海上“安全困境”,维护海洋和平的重要途径。     

论联合国豁免的放弃

联合国组织在一定条件下放弃豁免,是《联合国特权与豁免公约》及有关国际法律文件明确规定的一项国际法律制度,这项制度美系到相美国际组织能否享有豁免以便履行职能和实现目的。同时也关系到与国际组织有关的其他各方,尤其是与国际组织交往的私人在国际组织一旦侵犯其权利的情况下能否得到救济。因此,国际组织放弃豁免是一项非常重要的国际法律制度。联合国豁免的放弃必须由其有权机关作出相应的意思表示。不论是民事行为,还是刑事行为,其豁免都是可以放弃的。联合国等国际组织放弃豁免的权利。同时也构成其必须履行的一项义务。     

武力打击国际恐怖主义的合法性问题

武力打击国际恐怖主义的合法性问题关系到国际法律秩序的前途与联合国集体安全体制的命运。通过对美国武力反恐政策与实践在国际法学界引发的争议、国际法上自卫权规则和安理会授权武力强制措施的适用性、国际恐怖主义泛滥对自卫权理论和规则的发展方向的影响 ,以及联合国在武力反恐中的作用等问题的分析 ,我们可以看到 ,虽然现有国际法理论和规则并不完全支持武力反恐 ,但是完全排除受害国使用武力反恐既不合理也不可行。为了既有效打击恐怖主义又不滥用武力 ,现行国际法和联合国体制都需要改革 ,以建立一个由和平措施和武力措施共同构成的反恐机制。     

‘Seeing’ is believing: Positivist terrology, peacemaking criminology, and the northern ireland peace process

In this essay, the authors seek to draw upon the understanding and critique of positivism within criminological discourse in order to offer one analysis of the British governments’ approach to the Northern Ireland peace process. They argue that this approach has been hampered not just by the political reliance of the John Major government on Ulser Unionist support at Westminster but by a political and ideological approach to the peace process, informed by positivist terrorology, which has lead to an inability to ‘see’ the potential for peace. Offering a brief analysis of one of its leading academic proponents, the authors argue that such a paradigm posits a view of the liberal democratic state as axiomatically legitimate. Politically-motivated violence within such a state is seen as a purely criminal attack upon it, fundamentally inexplicable in terms other than the deviancy of its perpetrators. Thus in this view, politically-motivated violence is only combatable through purely instrumental, technical, and scientific means. By way of contrast to this paradigm, the authors offer an alternative vision, based on the epistemologies of critical and peacemaking criminology which, they argue, offers much greater potential for the prospects of peace in Northern Ireland and similar political conflicts elsewhere. NIACRO     

Localizing Gender Equality after Conflict

Debates have grown in recent years concerning the realistic utility and application of international human rights law to a local context. Since 2000, the United Nations Security Council has issued eight Women, Peace, and Security resolutions geared toward promoting gender equality measures in conflict prevention during conflict and post-conflict settings. The first of these resolutions, United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, has been adopted by a number of UN Member States through National Action Plans (NAPs), which provide a framework and roadmap for integrating gender equality measures at the domestic level. Although NAPs were once considered promising, they have largely been unsuccessful.

By examining the implementation challenges facing other gender equality measures and localization programs that seek more effective implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security Resolutions, the following argues that a bottom-up approach rather than a top-down approach must be considered more seriously by international actors supporting implementation and integration of international human rights law, not only for the obvious reason that it emboldens local agency in the adoption process, but also because it is likely to produce outcomes that are meaningful and sustainable for the communities most affected by these provisions.

As such, continued emphasis on change that emanates from the top down in a given country often ignores the reality that gender equality measures in international human rights law are often perceived by governments and civil society actors as a serious disruption to domestic gender norms. Sole reliance on state institutions to deliver these commitments is flawed because it fails to recognize the necessary dialog and contestation among various stakeholders concerning the role of external norms in a local context.     

“人道主义干涉”的国际法学批判

“人道主义干涉”的理论是主权与人权理论中的一个重要组成部分。近代国际法上形成了传统意义上的“人道主义干涉”及其理论 ,但是 ,《联合国宪章》制定以后 ,“人道主义干涉”及其理论被国际法所否定和摒弃。西方学者对“人道主义干涉”的理论存在着二种对立的观点。主张“人道主义干涉”为合法的观点 ,成了西方国家侵犯别国主权、武装干涉别国内政的借口和工具。我国学者普遍否定“人道主义干涉”及其理论 ,但也存在着模糊的观点 ,混淆了与联合国体制下人道主义救援的本质区别。“人道主义干涉” ,不仅在理论上是错误的 ,而且是违背国际法的 ,其实质是否定国家主权、干涉别国内政。联合国安理会采取的执行行动 ,是对于威胁和平、破坏和平以及侵略行为的应付办法 ,安理会对于严重侵犯人权的国家采取的军事行动 ,其真正目的仍然是为了维护国际和平与安全 ,而不是单纯的为了一国的人权问题进行干预 ,更不是所谓的“人道主义干涉”。